fiiiiiiiil'iS 



m^i 



ill!;ii:i'i;;!iiii;;!i:i!;:':::::i';:^'' 







'e^ . 



THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN 



1865-1878 



HARRIETTE M. DILLA, A. M. 

Instructor in History 
Wheaton Seminary, I\'orlon, Mass. 



SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

IN THE 

Faculty of Political Science 
Columbia University 



NEW YORK 
I512 



WF^- 



Ff(p(:> 



Copyright, 1912 

BY 

HARRIETTE M. DILLA 



m ^ S&it 



PREFACE 

An attempt has been made in the following pages to set 
torth the attitude of Michigan on the leading political 
issues during the important years from 1865 to 1878. The 
party interests of the state naturally centered about na- 
tional questions during this period, but there were certain 
local issues, such as railroad construction and internal im- 
provement, which also received much attention. Probably 
the most striking features of Michigan politics at this time 
were the unbroken dominance of the Republican party, and 
the prominence of the personal element arising from the 
unusual characteristics of several of the leaders. 

My research has been greatly facilitated by many per- 
sons who have manifested a kind interest in its progress. 
Mr. Thomas A. Wilson and Edward W. Barber, of Jack- 
son, Michigan, very kindly contributed many personal 
reminiscences which were helpful because of their impar- 
tiality. Mr. C. M. Burton, of Detroit, Michigan, extended 
to me the privilege of his excellent private library, con- 
taining all the letters and papers of Jacob M. Howard. 

Among the many persons who assisted me in my re- 
search, acknowledgments are due Mr. Gaillard Hunt, Mr. 
William L. Bishop, and Miss Emily West, of the Library 
of Congress, and Mr. Byron A. Finney and Miss Fred- 
ricka Gillette, of the Library of the University of Mich- 
igan, Ann Arbor. 

I am most deeply indebted, however, to Professor Will- 
iam A. Dunning, of Columbia University, who has ren- 
dered the most valuable assistance throughout the prepara- 
tion of this monograph, by his advice both as to content 
and as to manner of treatment. 

5] S 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER I 
R£sum£ of Michigan State Tolitics During the War 

TAGS 

Early Poliiics and the Personal Issues of 1862 

The transuion of Michigan politics in 1856 21 

Preference for Seward over Lincoln in i860 21 

The War Governorship of Austin Blair ... 22 

The loyalty of the state legislature and the " Joint Resolution on the 

State of the Union," February 2, 1861 23 

The extra session of the legislature, 1861 23 

Election of Jacob M. Howard to the Senate, 1862 25 

The personal element in Michigan politics of 1862 ........ 26 

Senator Zachariah Chandler and the schism in the Republican party . 26 

Hostility to his re-election to the Senate 27 

His " blood letting" letter as an issue 28 

His speech of July 16, 1862, against McClellan 29 

Victory of Chandler over James F. Joy, January, 1S63 29 

Folitics 0/1863-4, and the Unionist success in Michigan 

Lincoln's policy, the issue in 1863-4 30 

History of Michigan's attitude toward the negro 31 

Advanced position of Governor Blair 31 

The grievances of the Democratic party, and its platform, 1863. ... 33 

The hostility towards presidential dictatorship 33 

Disaffection within the Republican party, 1864 33 

Attitude of Republicans towards the Wade-Davis Bill 34 

Chandler's support of President Lincoln 35 

His role in securing Fremont's withdrawal . . 35 

The reuniting of the elements of the Republican party and its solidarity 

of interests after the campaign . . ... . 36 

The Unionists' victory in Michigan in 1864 37 

A small decline in Lincoln's support since i860 . . .• 37 

Territorial distribution of the vote, 1864 38 

7] 7 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER II 



[3 



Michigan Politics During the Period of Restoration, 1865-1866 

Michigan and Presidential Restoration 

The Thirteenth Aaiendment and the Michigan delegation in Congress. 39 

Ratification of the Amendment by the Michigan state legislature ... 39 

Speech of Jacob M. Howard in the Senate, February 25, 1865 .... 40 

Michigan and Johnson's initial steps in restoration 42 

Attitude towards the President's Amnesty Proclamation of May 29, 1865. 43 

Michigan and the question of negro suflVage 44 

Views upon the President's procedure in North Carolina and the other 

rebel states 45 

Chandler and the appointment of Provisional Governors 45 

Progress of the Radical tendency in Michigan 46 

Presidential versus Congressional Restoration 

The Michigan delegation to the Thirty-ninth Congress 49 

Their support of the Stevens Resolution 50 

The veto of the Freedmen's Bureau Bill 50 

Evidences of reaction against Congressional policy 5 1 

Governor Crapo's Thanksgiving Proclamation relating to the Civil 

Rights Bill 51 

Presentation of the proposed articles of amendment by Jacob M. 

Howard to the Senate 53 

The Republicans of Michigan generally in favor of the state regulation 

of negro suffrage 53 

Issues of the Campaign of 1 866 

Threats of extreme measures and possible violence 55 

Grounds for Democratic hostility to negro sufTrage 56 

Fiscal issues of the campaign 57 

The Campaign of j866 

Agitation by the Democrats for an early convention 58 

The Republicans' suspicion of an intended union of the Democracy 

with the soldiers 58 

The Johnson Mass Convention, August 9, 1866 59 

The informal meeting of the Democratic State Central Committee and 

its appointments 59 

Acceptance of the appointed delegates by the Johnson party 60 

Beginning of the alliance of the Democrats with the Johnson or 

National Union party 60 

The Republican State Convention, August 30 60 

Care in the nomination of a ticket 62 

The State Nominating Convention of the Johnson party, September 6 . 62 

The State Democratic Convention, September 6 64 



9] 



CONTENTS 



FAGB 

Appointment by the soldiers of delegates to Philadelphia 65 

Failure of the soldiers of Michigan to organize 65 

Effective organization of the Republican party 65 

Prominent part taken by the Detroit Daily Post 66 

The personal element in the campaign 66 

Effect of President Johnson's address of February 22 67 

Ridicule of Seward's attitude 68 

The Election 

Important gains of the Republican party . 68 

Close votes in three Congressional Districts 69 

Vote on the Soldiers' Suffrage Amendment to the state constitution . . 70 

The proposal to revise the state constitution 70 

Contested election case in the Fifth District and its significance ... 70 

Reasons for the defeat of the Democracy 7' 

Territorial distribution of the vote 7 * 

CHAPTER III 

The Politics of Michigan, 1867-68, and the Attitude Towards 
Early Reconstruction 

State listies 

Ratification of the Fourteenth Amendment 73 

Ratification, February 15, 1867 74 

Attitude of the two leading parties within the state 74 

Presentation and veto of railroad-aid bills 74 

The revision of the Constitution of 1850 75 

Personnel of the Convention which met May 15, 1867 76 

Defeat of woman suffrage . . 7^ 

The State Agricultural College 76 

Prohibition of the sale of intoxicating liquors embraced in a separate 

article ... 77 

The salary question 77 

The provision for biennial sessions embodied in a second separate article. 77 

Discussion of negro suffrage 7^ 

Triumph of the more radical element of the Republican party .... 80 

The Republicans' defense of the article 80 

The railroad-aid provisions 81 

The constitution as a Republican platform 81 

General Issues 

Attitude of Michigan parties toward the early measures of Congres- 
sional Reconstruction 82 

Negro suffrage in the District of Columbia, January, 1867 83 

The Reconstruction Acts of March and July 84 



lO CONTENTS [lO 

FAGB 

Republican support of militarism and impartial suffrage 84 

Development of the views of the Michigan delegation in Congress on 

the question of impeachment 84 

Jacob M. Howard's work and his final opinion 87 

General support of the policy by the Republicans 88 

Occasional expressions of dissatisfaction . 88 

TAe Campaign of the Spring 0/ 186S 

Importance of the spring elections of 186S ......... 89 

The State Republican Convention, March 18, and its declaration in 

favor of the constitution 90 

Defeat of the constitution . . 90 

The Catnpaign of the Autumn of iSdS 

Views of leading Republicans . 92 

Unanimous agreement of the Republican parly ot the state upon the 

nomination of Grant ... 93 

Michigan in the Republican National Convention 93 

The State Democratic Convention, May 27 93 

Fiscal issues . 94 

The Democracy not in agreement upon a candidate for President ... 96 

Michigan in the National Democratic Convention 96 

The State Nominating Convention of the Democrats 97 

The Election of 1868 

The Republicans uncertain of thc-.ir position 97 

Victory of the Republicans 97 

Height of the Republican power m Michigan during the period of 

this study 99 

T/te Senatorial Contest, i868-g 

Relations of Zachariah Chandler and Austin Blair 99 

Their negotiations and attempted arrangement 99 

The vote in the Republican Legislative Caucus of January 6, 1S69 . . 100 

Triumph of Chandler over Blair loi 

Defeat of the Democratic candidate, January 19 102 

Preparations for the contest of 187 1 102 

Senator Jacob M. Howard's standing in Michigan 102 

The senatorship a field for personal politics, and a cause of shifting 

alliances 103 

CHAPTER IV 

The Forward Movement of the Democracy in Michigan 

Ratification and Interpretation of the Fiftefnth Amendment 

Characterization of the politics in Michigan, 1869-70 105 

The negro suffrage discussion 105 



Il] CONTENTS 



II 



TAGB 



Ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment by the Michigan legislature, 

March, 1S69 106 

The negro suffrage amendment to the state constitution, passed by the 

Michigan legislature during the spring of 1S69 106 

Personal rather than political nature of the elections of 1869 . . . . 107 

Novelfeatures of the electorate in Michigan, 1S70 107 

Exercise of the right of suffrage by negroes 107 

Exceptional instances of women voting 107 

T/ie Railroad-Aid Issue 

The Railroad-Aid Law of 1S69 as a direct encouragement to local 

taxation and bonded indebtedness 108 

Case of The People ex rel. the Detroit and Howell Railroad Co. v. 

the Township Board of Salem 108 

Financial effects of the decision . . 109 

Comment, favorable and unfavorable, as yet nonpartisan 109 

Immediate legislative action no 

Passage of the constitutional amendment by the state legislature, 

August, 1870 no 

The Campaign of iSyo 

The Democrats' departure from the usual custom ... no 

The Democratic State Convention, August 31 in 

The platform and ticket ... ... in 

The Republican State Convention, September i 112 

Changes in the organization of the State Central Committee . ... 112 

The platform . . 112 

Ambiguity of the tariff provision . 113 

The influence of that portion of the Republican party which previously 

had Democratic affiliations 113 

Division in the Republican party en the question of aid to railroad cor- 
porations 114 

Austin Blair and the Republican Congressional nomination 114 

Probable source of hostility to Blair 115 

John A. Driggs and the Republican Congres.'-ional nomination ... 116 

Relation of the German vote and Prohibition in the campaign of 1S70. 117 
The attempt of the Republicans to accomplish by amendment in 1870 

what they failed in 1868 to eftecl by revision 118 

Proposed amendments to the state constitution 118 

Results of the Election of i8jo 

Evidences of Republican decline since iS65 119 

Significance of the Democratic victory in the Sixth District 119 

Fate of the amendments 120 

Territorial distribution of the vote 121 

General inferences relative to party status in 1S70 122 



12 CONTENTS [I2 

PAGB 

T/ie Senatorial Election of iSji 

The four rivals for the Republican Senatorial nomination 123 

Development of an opposition to Senator Jacob M. Howard 123 

The significance of the locality consideration 124 

Blair's prospect and the Fish letter 124 

The vital importance of the enmity of two of the leaders 126 

Attitude and preferences of the Michigan members in Congress .... 126 

The Republican legislative caucus and the triumph of Ferry 127 

Unanimous nomination of H. M. Walker by the Democrats 127 

Election of the Republican candidate, January 18 127 

Death of Jacob M. Howard 128 

Qualifications of his successor 128 

The passing of old issues and the appearance of new 128 

CflAPTER V 
The Campaign of 1S72, and the Failure of the Liberal 

MOVK.MENT IN MICHIGAN 

P, eliininary Politics 

The Democracy at the opening of the year 1871 129 

Defense of Grant by the Republicans ... 130 

Amendment of the state constitution 130 

Reapportionment of the Congressional representation of Michigan .. . 131 

Hostility engendered by the mode of redistricting ......*.,. 131 

Impeachment proceedings against Charles A. Edmunds 131 

The Liberal AI oven tent 

The Liberals in Michigan and the leadership of Austin Blair 132 

Motives for his apostasy . . . 133 

Delay in the organization of the party 134 

Method of choosing delegates to Cincinnati 135 

No distinct preference among the Liberals for presidential candidate. . 136 
Comment in Michigan on the reception of the news of Gieeley's nomi- 
nation 136 

The probability of Greeley's withdrawal from the contest 136 

The Democracy and the Liberals 

Doubt and uncertainty of the Democrats after the Cincinnati Con- 
vention 137 

Friendly declarations towards the Liberals 138 

The State Democratic Convention, Lansing, July 2, for the election of 

delegates to Baltimore 138 

Test vote of the Michigan delegation .138 

Altitude towards the adoption of the Cincinnati ticket at Baltimore , . 139 

Plans for the joint action of the Democrats and Liberals 140 



13] CONTENTS 13 



PAGB 



The joint convention at Grand Rapids, August 22 141 

The State and Congressional nominations , 141 

Failure of the " Straight Democratic" movement in Michigan . . . 142 

T/ie Regular Republicans 

The State Republican Convention, May 16, for the election of delegates 

to the National Convention 143 

The nominating convention in August, and its work ... . . 143 

Michigan in the Philadelphia Convention 143 

Character of the campaign in Michigan 144 

The Election 

Dismal failure of the Liberal movement in Michigan 145 

Analysis of votes, presidential and state 145 

Rejection of the railroad aid amendment 146 

Fate of the other amendments 146 

Expectations of the Democrats before the election 146 

Their reflections upon their defeat 147 

Value of this experience two years hence 147 

CHAPTER VI 

The Schism in the REruRucAN Party in Michigan and the 
Success of the Democracy in 1874 

Preliminary rolitics and Constitutional Revision 

Opposition to the Republican party in the spring of 1873 148 

Continuation of the joint convention system of the Democratic and 

Liberal parties 148 

Character of Isaac P. Christiancy 149 

His election to the State Supreme Court, April, 1873 "49 

Amendment or revision of the state constitution as an issue 149 

The appointment of a Commission on Revision .... 150 

The personnel of this body 150 

Subjects under its consideration . . 150 

The effect of the salary act of April 24, 1873, upon the work of the 

Commission 151 

Completion of the revised draft of the constitution and its approval by 

the legislature 152 

Formation of Alinor Parties 

The presence in Michigan of a number of small parties in 1S73-4. . 152 

The phenomenal growth of the Order of Patrons of Industry 153 

The aims and organization of the movement 153 

The attitude of the Order toward the issues of 1874 154 

The Prohibitionists and their opponents, the Anti- Prohibitionists . . . 154 



14 ~ CONTENTS [14 

PAGE 

TAe Independent Action of the Reformers 

Appointment of a committee by tlie state legislature , . 155 

Relation of the Reform party of 1874 to the Liberal movement of 1872. 155 

Initial impulse given the new National Reform party 156 

Possibility of a fusion of the elements of opposition in I S74 156 

Separate action of the Reformers, a surprise to the Democracy . . . 157 
The Convention of August 6, and the sweeping condemnation of both 

leading parties 157 

Demands of reform and economy 157 

The concession of the Reformers to the Inflationists 158 

Appointment of a State Executive Committee 158 

Its call for a State Reform Nominating Convention, September 9 . . . 158 

The Reform ticket 159 

The formal dissolution of the alliance . 159 

Complete abandonment of the plan of separate and simultaneous con- 
ventions 159 

The Eepttblican Party 

The Republican State Central Commiitee, and its call of June 9, for the 

State Convention 160 

The Republican State Convention, August 28 160 

Defense of the national administration 160 

Declarations with reference to negro suffrage 160 

Noncommittal character of the currency resolution 161 

Obvious attempt to please both the Resumptionists and Inflationists . . 161 

The real position of the two leading parties on the currency question. . 162 

Crisis and threatened rupture in the Republican party 162 

Chandler's hostility towards inflation 162 

Ferry's leadership of the inflationist faction 163 

Vote on inflation 164 

Embarrassing inconsistency on the part of the Republicans in five Con- 
gressional districts . 165 

The Fost's apology for Ferry . . 166 

Amicable relations preserved in the Republican party 166 

The Democracy in 1874 

The Democrats' scrutiny of the Republican record 166 

Early doubt concerning the best issues fcr the approaching campaign. . 167 

Meeting of the State Central Committee in Detroit, July 28 . . . . 168 

The Democratic State Convention, Kalamazoo, September 10 ... . 169 

The demands and declarations 169 

Recommendations of railroad regulation . . 170 

Locality and vocation considerations in the choice of State and Con 

gressional tickets 170 

Union between the Democrats and Reformers in Congressional nomi- 
nations 170 



I^] CONTENTS 1 2 

PACB 

TAe Elections 0/1874 

The October elections, an encouragement to the Democrats 171 

The unprecedented repulse of the Republicans in Michigan 171 

Rejection of the new constitution 172 

Failure of woman suffrage , . 172 

Reflections of the Republican party upon its own defeat 172 

Climax of Democratic influence 173 

T/ie Senatorial Election of 1874 and the Defeat of Chandler 

Resemblance of Michigan to Wisconsin, Minnesota and Maine in Sena- 
torial politics 174 

Early expressions of opposition to Chandler 175 

Various possibilities 175 

Schism in the party on grounds of personal affiliations ....... 175 

Chandler's tactics and his adherence to the caucus system 176 

His nomination in the Republican legislative caucus, January 7 . . . . 176 

Absence of the members of the opposition 176 

The opening of the Senatorial election, July 19 177 

Suspense and excitement 177 

Large scattering vote on the first ballot X77 

Gradual shifting of preferences 178 

Negotiations between the Democrats and Anti Chandler Republicans . 178 

Their ultimate union upon the name of Isaac P. Christiancy 178 

The third ballot, January 21, and the defeat of Chandler ... 178 

Significance of the fall of Chandler and the triumph of Christiancy . . 179 



CHAPTER vn 

The Politics of 1S76 and the Restoration cf the Dominant 
Party in Michigan 

Michigan and Federal Politics of 187 j 

Reform and resumption 180 

The Force Bill . . i8i 

The Civil Rights Act 182 

The spring elections 183 

Views of Michigan on Democratic supremacy in the South, 1875-6 , . 183 

Success of Poland in Arkansas 184 

Harmony among the Republicans concerning Louisiana 184 

Tendencies toward divergence in reference to Mississippi 1F5 

General approval of Governor Chamberlain in South Carolina .... 187 

The South as the main issue in the approaching campaign 188 

The Universal Amnesty Act. 188 

Occasion for reopening the issues of the war 188 



1 6 CONTENTS [l6 

PAGE 

Michigan and the Republican Fresidential Ticket 

Opening of the campaign of 1S76 . 189 

The Republican State Convention in Grand Rapids, May 10 189 

Nomination of delegates to the National Convention at Cincinnati . . . 190 

The movement for Chandler's candidacy 190 

Test votes of the Michigan delegation at Cincinnati 190 

Michigan's lead for Hayes on the fifth ballot ... 191 

Analysis of the seven ballots of the Michigan delegation . ...... 191 

Expression of opinion on the defeat of Blaine . 192 

Importance of Chandler's election to the Chairmanship of the National 

Republican Committee 192 

State Politics of the Republican Party 

Personal politics in Michigan, 1876 192 

The movement for William A. Howard as candidate for governor . . . 193 

Two possible explanations for this movement 193 

The Republican State Nominating Convention, Lansing, August 3 . . 194 

Its platform and ticket . 194 

The Democracy 

Difference of opinion within the Democratic party relative to the presi- 
dential nomination ... . 194 

The Democratic State Convention, Lansing, May 24 ...... 195 

Election of delegates to the National Convention at St. Louis .... 195 

The majority's preference for Tilden • ■ • '95 

The temporary disaffection in the Michigan delegation to St. Louis . . 195 

Analysis of the ballots of the delegation .■••'95 

The currency issue and the threatened rupture of the Democracy in 

Michigan 196 

Danger of concession to the soft-money interests in the convention of 

May 24 . 196 

The two reports presented by the Committee on Resolutions . . . . 196 

Official repudiation of anti resumption tendencies by the Democracy . . 196 

Meeting of the Democratic State Central Committee, Detroit, June 7 . 197 
Plans for the exclusion of the currency issue from the State Nominating 

Convention to be held August 9 197 

Organization of Democratic municipal clubs 197 

The compromise with Henry Chamberlain 198 

The Democratic State Nominating Convention, Detroit, August 9 . . . 198 

Its policy and nominations ... 198 

Austin Blair a Presidential Elector of the Democracy 198 

The Greenback Party and Prohibitionists 

Development and progress of the Greenback party since 1874 .... 198 

Resolutions of the Convention, May 3, 1876 199 

The State Nominating Convention, August 29 200 



17] CONTENTS 17 

FAGS 

Adoption of several names on the Democratic state ticket 200 

Action with reference to Congressional nominations 200 

State Convention of the Prohibitionists, March 22 201 

TAg Election of iSyb 

Small majority of the Republicans on the state ticket 202 

Elections for Congress and the state legislature 203 

Territorial distribution of the vote 203 

Fate of the constitutional amendments 204 

The Re-election of Senator Ferry, 1877 

The exceptionally quiet Senatorial contest of 1877 204 

Breaking-up and disappearance of the old circle of former rivals . . . 205 

Ferry's parliamentary ability, a source of his popularity 205 

Aspirations of Governor Bagley and his friends 205 

Ferry's nomination by the Republicans 205 

Rivalry within the Democratic parly for candidacy 206 

Nomination of Charles S. May by the Democracy 206 

Election of Ferry to the Senate 206 

Democratic comment 206 

Michigan and the Disputed Presidential Count 

Conflicting partisan claims following the election 207 

The telegrams of Zachariah Chandler ... 207 

Views on the correct method of counting the electoral votes 208 

The establishment of a Joint Committee on Elections ....... 209 

Expressions of opinion on Edmund's Electoral Commission Bill. . . . 210 

Partisan views concerning the decision on the Florida returns .... 212 

Senator Christiancy on Louisiana .. 212 

Christiancy on South Carolina 213 

The Democracy in defeat 213 

Democratic sentiment concerning Hayes' inauguration 213 

CHAPTER Vni 
A Resume of the Politics of Michigan, 1877-1878 
The Close of Reconstruction! and the General Issues of 1877 

President Hayes' withdrawal of federal troops from South Carolina 

and Louisiana 215 

Estrangement of Chandler and opjiosition of the " Stalwarts" .... 215 

Remonetization of silver and the attitude of the parties in Michigan . . 216 
The National Greenback Party in Alichigan 

Progress of the party since 1876 218 

Factions in Michigan, and the necessity for union 219 

The State Convention at Grand Rapids, June 5 219 

Chairmanship of Moses Field, formerly a soft-money Republican . . , 219 

Resolutions of the convention 220 

Independent and uncompromising attitude towards both parties .... 220 



1 8 CONTENTS [tS 

7AGB 

Tendency toward conciliation on the part of the Democracy 220 

Attitude of the Republicans 221 

T/ie Republicam of Mic hitman 

The State Convention in Detroit, June 13 222 

Speech of Zachariah Chandler . 222 

The platform 222 

Hostility towards the National Greenbackers 223 

Praise of Croswell, and omission of all mention of Hayes 223 

The movement for Chandler as Governor 223 

77ie Democracy 

Obvious danger of concession to the Nationals 224 

The State Convention in Lansing, July 10 224 

The platform and the currency resolution 224 

Comparative indifference this year of the Democracy to the agricultural 

interests 225 

The Prohibitionists 

Persistent Prohibitionist sentiment in Michigan 225 

Declarations of the State Convention in Lansing, August 13 225 

Their influence in the field of social reform and improvement .... 226 

Tke Campaign and Election of i8y8 

Influence of the " Stalwarts" in directing the Republican campaign of 

1878 226 

Chandler's attitude towards Hayes' policy 227 

Mutual recrimination on the money question . 227 

The election and Republican successes 227 

Surprising power of National Greenback Party 228 

Democratic losses through compromise with the Nationals 228 

Comment and self-reproach 228 

The Senatorial Election of i8yg and the Return of Chandler to the Senate 

Resignation of Christiancy from the Senate 228 

Chandler, the one prominent candidate 229 

Nomination of Orlando M. Barnes by the Democrats 229 

The Greenbackers' candidate, Henry Chamberlain . 229 

Easy victory of Chandler, February 18, and his return to the Senate . . 229 

His death, November i, 1879, in Chicago 229 

Republican supremacy in Michigan, succeeded by combined Democratic 

and Greenback victory in 1882 230 

CHAPTER IX 
The Social and Economic Progress of Michigan 

Character of the Population of Michigan 

Relation of politics to the social and economic conditions in Michigan. 231 

Diversity of the population 231 



ig] CONTENTS ig 



PAGE 



Immigration from the Eastern States 231 

New England influence 231 

Foreign elements 232 

The Canadians and Irish 232 

The Germans and the prohibition issue 232 

The Dutch ... 232 

Unimportance of the negro and Indian elements 233 

Increase of population in Michigan, 1860-1880 233 

Michigan's rank in the Union 233 

Direction of the movement of population 234 

Growing importance of the northern portion of the state 234 

Effect of the north in politics 234 

Status of literacy in Michigan 234 

Newspapers and other periodicals 235 

Schools and libraries 235 

The agricultural college in politics 236 

Industries of Michigan 

Agriculture, first in importance 236 

The lumbering intere.'^ts of Michigan 236 

Regions of greatest timber wealth 236 

Chief milling districts 237 

Mines in the north, and foreign immigration 238 

Political significance of this foreign element . 238 

Shipbuilding in Michigan 239 

The Public Lands of Michigan 

The public land policy in Michigan 239 

Pre-emption and homestead laws . . 240 

Grants for educational purposes 242 

Grants for improvement of the facilities for transportation 244 

The St. Mary's Falls Ship Canal 244 

Deepening of the St. Clair Flats 245 

Grants for wagon-roads 245 

Importance of the land grants for railroad construction 246 

The Salem decision 246 

Crisis of 1873 and its effect 246 

Extension of the railway systems in Michigan 246 

Michigan Finances During the Period of this Study 

The sinking fund and surplus of 1874-75 248 

The Bond Purchase Act, 1875 249 

Grounds for Republican boasts of successful financiering 249 

Reduction in the rate of state taxation 249 

The relation between the diversified interests of the state and its per- 
sonal politics 250 



EXPLANATION TO MAP I 

The roman numerals indicate the Congressional Districts into 
which the state was divided until the reapportionment of 1872. 

The counties indicated by the arabic figures, and the principal 
cities by capitals, are enumerated in the explanation of the follow- 
ing map. 



EXPLANATION TO MAP II 

The roman numerals indicate the Congressional Districts according to the 
reapportionment of 1872. The map is taken from the Michigan Manual of 
1875, following page 144. 

The counties are as follows : 



I Ontonagon 


27 Missaukee 


52 


Clinton 


2 Keweenaw 


28 Roscommon 


53 


Shiawassee 


3 Houghton 


29 Ogemaw 


54 


Genesee 


4 Marquette 


30 Iosco 


55 


Lapeer 


5 Menominee 


31 Mason 


56 


St. Clair 


6 Delta 


32 Lake 


57 


Allegan 


7 Schoolcraft 


33 Osceola 


58 


Barry 


8 Chippewa 


34 Clare 


59 


Eaton 


9 Mackinac 


35 Gladwin 


60 


Ingham 


10 Emmet 


36 Bay 


61 


Livingston 


II Cheboygan 


37 Oceana 


62 


Oakland 


12 Presque I>le 


38 Newago 


63 


Macomb 


13 Charlevoix 


39 Mecosta 


64 


Van Buren 


14 Antrim 


40 Isabella 


65 


Kalamazoo 


15 Otsego 


41 Midland 


66 


Calhoun 


16 Montmorency 


42 Muskegon 


67 Jackson 


17 Alpena 


43 Montcalm 


68 


Washtenaw 


18 Leelanaw 


44 Gratiot 


69 Wayne 


19 Benzie 


45 Saginaw 


7t- 


Berrien 


20 Grand Traverse 


46 Tuscola 


71 


Cass 


21 Kaskaskia 


47 Huron 


72 


St. Joseph 


22 Crawford 


48 Sanilac 


73 


Branch 


23 Oscoda 


49 Ottawa 


74 


Hillsdale 


24 Alcona 


50 Kent 


75 


Lenawee 


25 Manistee 


51 Ionia 


76 


Monroe 


26 Wexford 








The following are the cities indicated: 






A Lansing 


L Marshall 


\V 


Manistee 


B Detroit 


M Cold water 


X 


Tiaverse City 


C Grand Rapids 


N Niles 


Y 


Alpena 


I) Kalamazoo 


Benton Harbor 


Z 


Mackinaw 


E Battle Creek 


P Allegan 






F Jackson 


Q Grand Haven 


A' 


Sault Ste. Marie 


G Ann Arbor 


R M uskegon 


B' 


Marquette 


H Ypsilanti 


S Pott Huron 


C 


Houghton 


I Monroe 


T Saginaw 






J Adrian 


U Bay City 


M' 


Pontiac 


K Hillsdale 


V Ludington 


iN' 


Flint 



CHAPTER I 

Resume of State Politics During the War 
early politics and the personal issues of 1862 

The reorganization of parties in 1854 and the election 
of 1856 marked a transition in the poHtics of the state of 
Michigan. The Democrats had held continued sway since 
its organization as a territory, with the exception of the 
year 1840, when the first presidential vote was cast for 
General Harrison. Their control was now broken by the 
advent of the Republican party, whose ascendancy began 
with Zachariah Chandler's election to the Senate in 1857, 
and the practical retirement of Lewis Cass from politics 
after his appointment by Buchanan as Secretary of State, 
In 1856 the popular vote supported the Republican candi- 
date for President by a majority of over 19,000, and the 
six electors accordingly voted for Fremont and Dayton.^ 

There was early expressed a preference for Seward 
over Lincoln as the presidential candidate in 1860,^ and 

' Michigan Manual, 1857, pp. 504-5. Campbell, Outlines of the Poli- 
tical History of Michigan, pp. 563 et seq. Tribune Almanac, 1857, 
pp. 59, 60. Fremont received 71,762 votes, Buchanan 52,136, and 
Fillmore, 1,660. The vote for governor disclosed the somewhat 
smaller Republican majority of 17,317. The majority of Pierce over 
Scott four years before v^ras very small, the former receiving 41,842, 
the latter 33,859, while the absolute majority of the Democratic can- 
didate was further reduced to 746 by the casting of 7,237 votes for 
Hale. Notwithstanding the unmistakable evidence of decline in the 
dominant party in 1852, the strength acquired by the Republican move- 
ment four years later was most remarkable. 

* " Without any disparagement to numbers of distinguished men 
worthy of the highest confidence of the nation, I shall not, I trust, 
21] 21 



22 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [22 

the Michigan delegation to the Chicago Convention, of 
which Austin Blair was a member, refused to change their 
preference even on the last ballot, when it was apparent 
that Lincoln would win the nomination. He was well sup- 
ported at the polls, however, receiving 23,423 plurality of 
the popular vote over Douglas.^ 

Austin Blair was elected Governor by a plurality some- 
what smaller than that of Lincoln. It was a fortunate 
selection for the Republicans, as Blair's conduct during 
the war was to give their party immense prestige. His 
father had been a strong Abolitionist, while he himself 
was a Whig and voted in 1844 for Henry Clay. As a 
member of the State legislature, he displeased a faction of 
the Whig party when he favored abolishing the color dis- 
tinction in regard to the elective franchise. The opposition 
engendered by this agitation defeated him at the next elec- 
tion, whereupon he severed his old party affiliations, joined 
the Free Soil movement, and became a delegate to the 
Buffalo Convention at which the Free Soil party was 
founded in 1848. When this organization and the Anti- 
Slavery Whigs coalesced in 1854, Blair found that his old 
associates had advanced to his position. The Chicago plat- 
form of i860 he adhered to throughout his political career, 
and twelve years later, when he assailed the administration 
and supported Greeley, he insisted that it was the Repub- 

be thought unjust on pointing to the distinguished son of New York, 
William H. Seward, as the man worthy to receive this high honor. 
Never has American statesman been truer to this great cause. Let us 
omit no manly effort to give success to our party, and to bring back 
the constitution to its original principles and purposes." Letter of 
Jacob M. Howard to R. Hosmer, .A.pril 18, i860, declining the nomin- 
ation as State Attorney-General for the fourth term. — Hnzuard MSS. 

^ Souvenir of Michigan Legislature and Political History of Michi- 
gan, published by the Lansing State Republican, 1897. Mich. Man., 
1861, p. 68. Trib. Aim., 1861. Breckinridge received 805, Bell 405. 
Austin Blair received 87,806 votes for governor, and Barry, 67,221. 



23] STATE POLITICS DURING THE WAR 23 

lican party, and not he, who had abandoned the principles 
of that platform/ 

Under the leadership of Governor Blair, Michigan gave 
generous support to the Union cause, and established a 
precedent that added much to the standing and tradition of 
the party in succeeding contests. One unmistakable ex- 
pression of loyalty by the legislature was the carefully 
worked out " Joint Resolution on the State of the Union " 
finally approved February 2, 1861.^ It declared the su- 
premacy of the Government of the United States, and 
recognized the " full, inherent powers of self-protection 
and defense." The resources and military strength of the 
state were pledged to the government, and " concession 
and compromise " were declared impossible under all cir- 
cumstances.* 

The regular session of the legislature closed the middle 
of March, but after the fall of Sumter and Lincoln's call for 
troops Governor Blair issued the Proclamation of April 
23rd, calling an extra session to meet the seventh day of 
May.* His message to the legislature was a stirring ten-page 

' Representative Men of Michigan, compiled by F. A. Barnard, Cin- 
cinnati, 1878; Michigan Biographies, Lansing, 1888; Michigan His- 
torical Collections, vol. xxxv, " Michigan Men in Congress," Edward 
W. Barber. 

* It originated with the House Committee on Federal Relations and 
when the articles were sent to the Senate, the corresponding com- 
mittee of that House reported a substitute group of resolutions 
differing only in phraseology. As a result of mutual compromise, a 
final draft was agreed upon satisfactory to both Houses. House 
Documents, 1861, no. i, pp. 1-6; House Journal, pp. 105-111, 162-3, 
173-176, 1S1-187; Senate Journal, pp. 138, 268. The Joint Resolution 
is given in Acts of Michigan, 1861, no. 3, p. 579. 

' The policy of the federal government was materially aided by the 
militia act providing for the preparation, by assessors, of lists of 
persons liable to military duty; for the equipment and recruitment of 
troops; and for the authorization of a bond issue. Acts, 1861, pp. 
300-305 ; 545-547, and 606, respectively. 

* Senate Jour, and House Jour., Extra Session of 1861. 



24 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [24 

document, relating the circumstances of the recent procla- 
mation calling for two regiments. It pointed out the lack 
of fiscal provisions in the militia law of the previous ses- 
sion, and made several valuable suggestions.^ Grave ap- 
prehensions were expressed throughout the document as 
to the outcome of the war, and the spirit manifest in the 
message, as well as in the legislative support which followed, 
undoubtedly had great influence in strengthening the Union 
sentiment within the state. 

The first act passed at the new session of the legislature 
amended the militia act passed at the session just preced- 
ing and placed the state upon a war footing.^ It provided 
for the muster, drill and instruction of the militia, and re- 
quired each member to take the oath of allegiance to the 
United States and to the state of Michigan, and of obedi- 
ence to the President and Governor. It provided for 
courts-martial, and empowered the Governor to establish 
recruiting ofiices whenever he thought it proper in order to 
meet any deficiency in the state levy. The Governor was 
required to appoint a Military Contract Board of three 
officers, the majority of whom must approve all contracts 
for equipment, supplies and labor entered into for the state 
troops. 

The second act provided for the relief by counties of the 
families of volunteers mustered into service from Mich- 
igan.^ The fifth measure made provision for the negotia- 

^ Senate Jour, and House Jour., pp. i-io; Joint Documents. Extra 
Session, 1861, no. i. He urged the amendment of the militia law so 
that it authorize putting four new regiments upon a war footing, with 
power in case of emergency to raise the number to ten. He also 
recommended the authorization of towns and cities to levy taxes for 
the support of the families of volunteers. 

' Acts, 1861, Extra Session, no. i, pp. 595-602. 
Ibid., no. 2, p. 602. 



25] STATE POLITICS DURING THE WAR 2- 

tion of a loan not exceeding one million dollars at a rate of 
interest not exceeding seven per cent, to be redeemable 
at any time within twenty-five years from January i, 1861, 
the interest payable semi-annually on the first day of Janu- 
ary and July of each year. The bonds were exempted from 
taxation and the proceeds were to be devoted exclusively to 
war purposes/ 

Upon the assembling of the legislature in January of 
1862 the duty of selecting a United States Senator devolved 
upon it by the death, in October of the previous year, of 
Kinsley S. Bingham, the senior senator from Michigan. 
Jacob M. Howard, a prominent attorney of Detroit, was 
mentioned as a possibility and his friends urged him to 
become a candidate. He had been a steadfast Whig until 
the founding of the Republican party, and like Chandler, 
believed the war to be inevitable, though he was not so 
strongly opposed to compromise. He had participated in 
the union of the anti-slavery element of the Old Whigs — 
which in Michigan was the dominant faction of the party — 
with the Abolitionists and Free Soil Democracy. He was 
a member of the committee on the address of the Repub- 
lican National Convention at Pittsburgh, and his political 
training further included membership in the lower house 
of the 27th Congress, and the office of State Attorney-Gen- 
eral from 1855 to 1861.^ In the canvass for the senator- 
ship, Howard's friends had some apprehensions concerning 
the "locality" argument: for in the event of his victory 
both senators would be residents of Detroit, and sectional 
opposition was feared from the central and western por- 
tions of the state. ^ On the first ballot of the Republicans, 

1 Acts, 1861. Extra Session, no. 5, p. 605. 

* Rep. Men of Mich.; Mich. Biog.; Farmer, History of Detroit and 
Michigan, vol. ii, p. 1059. 

* " My locality, it is true, is unfavorable. I trust, howfever, the 



26 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [26 

Howard received 21 votes out of 90, while Blair received 
20, and on the seventh ballot, the former was nominated. 
Notwithstanding the locality disadvantage, he was elected 
over his Democratic adversary, but the difficulty he had 
feared in this election was to be effectual ten years later in 
working his defeat.^ 

The elections of 1862 were accompanied in Michigan as 
in many other states by serious dissensions within the Re- 
publican party. All conservative elements fused into what 
was known as the Union movement, and to this movement 
the less aggressive Republicans contributed considerable 
strength. The Michigan Unionists' hostility to radicalism 
in general centered about Senator Chandler as the leader of 
the Radicals. The schism in the Republican party of the 
state followed the lines of personal feeling toward an in- 
tensely aggressive and uncompromising leader. The per- 
sonal and local elements in the situation quite overshadowed 
the more important issues of the war and preservation of 
the Union, and thus prevented the " Union " movement 
from attaining such importance as it acquired in many 
other states. In New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
Ohio. Indiana, Oregon, Illinois, and Delaware, the "Union" 
party movement absorbed the Republican party, and the 
Democracy stood in the light of an obstinate minority with 
disloyal inclinations. In Michigan the relative status was 
entirely different. The Republican party was of course 
thoroughly loyal, but in addition, it was committed to the 

people of the state have known me too long and well to apprehend 
I should make Detroit the horizon of my views or the particular 
theater of my attentions. No, Sir, the Republican party owes too 
little to the voters of Detroit, and their opponents there are still too 
powerful to make it a very lovely spot for those who are attached 
to it (the party)." Letter of Howard to Charles Jewitt of Niles, 
December 23, 1861. Howard MSS. 
* Souv. of the Leg. and Hist, of Mich., p. 50. 



27] STATE POLITICS DURING THE WAR 27 

support of the strong if not violent senior senator, and all 
those who were disaffected toward Chandler were forced 
over into alliance with the Democracy. 

This combined opposition received different names from 
different sources. To the Republicans, it was only the 
" Democratic " organization swelled by a factious few who 
bolted from the lines of the one loyal party on wholly 
imaginary and insufficient personal grounds. To its own 
members, it was a " Fusion " party built upon a " Demo- 
cratic " foundation, and possessing " Union " sentiments. 
There was naturally present within the ranks of this party 
a well-defined dissatisfaction with the progress of the war. 
The results of the failure of the Peninsular Campaign were 
visible in Michigan as elsewhere, and a tide of reaction 
against the administration was manifest in the election of 

1862. But the personal politics in the state had so con- 
cealed the actual attitude upon the federal issues, that the 
outcome of the campaign surprised many Republicans. 
Blair indeed won the governorship by 6,500 over the Union- 
Democratic candidate,^ and five of the six members elected 
to the lower house of Congress were Republicans. But 
the combined opposition was more successful in the state 
legislature, which showed a large proportion of Fusionists 
— 51 against 81 Republicans on the joint ballot.^ More- 
over, abstention was practiced to a much greater extent 
than was customary in the years of state and Congressional 

' Blair received 68,716, and Byron G. Stout, 62,102. 

* In the previous legislature, the joint membership was distributed 
as follows: 100 Republicans and 12 Democrats. Trib. Aim., 1861, 
p. 63. In 1862, there were 18 Republicans in the Senate, 63 in the 
House, while the Fusionists elected 14 to the Senate, and 37 to the 
House. Trib. Aim. 1863, pp. 61. 62; IVorld Aim., 1863; Mich. Man.. 

1863. The reason for the discrepancy in the total membership of the 
two successive legislatures is the reapportionment of the State Rep- 
resentatives in 1861. Acts, 1861, no. 116, p. 154. 



28 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [28 

elections. The gubernatorial vote of i860 exceeded that of 
1862 by almost 25,000, and as the opposition candidate 
received approximately only 5,000 less, there was proof of 
abstention on the part of 20,000 Republicans at the latter 
election. Furthermore, as Blair's majority fell from 20,585 
to 6,614, the Republican loss was almost 14,000. The 
strongest evidence of a reaction was, however, the presence 
of 51 " Fusionists " or " Unionists " in the state legis- 
lature, out of a membership of 132. 

It was clearly evident that there would be strong opposi- 
tion to a radical candidate in the Senatorial election. Upon 
the assembling of the legislature the opponents of Chandler 
began to organize. They effected a combination, and after 
an extended struggle between the faction favoring Ex- 
Senator Alpheus Felch, a Democrat, and those who in- 
sisted upon voting for a former Republican, the latter won, 
and James F. Joy was agreed upon as the opponent of 
Chandler. Joy was a thoroughly trained lawyer and a man 
of decided independence of conviction. Both candidates 
were residents of Detroit, and old acquaintances with very 
similar views upon many questions. Joy had voted the 
Republican state ticket, but objected to the re-election of 
Chandler on the ground that his faction in the Senate 
" dominated the President and thwarted such true leaders 
as Seward and Chase." ^ 

The act which probably told against Chandler most gen- 
erally with the people was his letter of February 11, 1861, 
to Governor Blair relative to the appointment of delegates 
to the Peace Conference at Washington. After this as- 
sembly began deliberations and it appeared that the North 
was losing ground. Chandler wTote the Governor as fol- 
lows : " Ohio, Indiana, and Rhode Island are caving in and 

^ Mich. Coll., vol. XXX, pp. 101-2; Alfred Russell, Life of Joy; 
Farmer, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 1059. 



29] STATE POLITICS DURING THE WAR 



29 



there is danger of Illinois, and now they beg us for God's 
sake to come to their rescue and save the Republican party 
from rupture. I hope you will send stiff-backed men or 
none." Then as a postscript the offensive passage was 
added : " Some of the manufacturing states think a fight 
would be awful. Without a little blood-letting this Union 
would not, in my estimation, be worth a rush." ^ Chandler, 
like Wade and Cameron, was convinced early in the year 
i860 that war was unavoidable. His conversation with 
John Slidell of Louisiana, — in which the Southern Sen- 
ator declared secession imminent, — and the discovery of 
Clay's draft of the secession ordinance for Alabama per- 
suaded him that the time for negotiation had passed. It 
became his settled conviction that " there w^as treason in 
the White House, both Houses of Congress, and the Gal- 
leries of the Capitol." ^ 

A second fruitful source of antagonism to Chandler was 
his speech of July 16, 1862, denouncing McClellan and the 
conduct of the war. Both this and his letter were leading 
campaign documents against the Republican cause in the 
elections and later in the senatorial contest. But Chandler 
had the advantage of being the " regular " candidate, and 
the favorite with the soldiers. He was elected by almost a 
two-thirds vote of the legislature, receiving 83 votes, while 
Joy, the Union candidate, received 45.^ 

1 Rhodes, History of th.e United States, vol. iii, p. 291 and note 3. 
Post and Tribune Life of Chandler, pp. 186-200 ; Midi. Co//., vol. xxviii, 
P- 439- 

* Speech replying to Hendricks of Indiana in defense of his letter, 
Globe, Jan. 31, 1866, p. 885. The particulars are given in an article 
of reminiscences in the A". Y. Times, May n, 1879. (Townsend Li- 
brary, vol. Ixxxiv, p. 166, columns i, 2.) The letter, though a private 
one, soon appeared in the Detroit Free Press, whose editor, Wilbur 
Story, was a bitter enemy of the war. 

' Alpheus Felch as Democratic Candidate received two complimentary 
votes, and two other gentlemen each received one. Souv. of the Leg. 
and Hist, of Mich., pp. 50-56. 



30 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [30 

POLITICS IN 1863 AND 1864, AND THE UNIONIST SUCCESS IN 

MICHIGAN 

Political activity in 1863 and 1864 was mainly con- 
cerned with criticism and defense of Lincoln's policy, and 
chief among the features about which this controversy cen- 
tered was emancipation. A consideration of this issue and 
the subsequent question of suffrage raises the inquiry as to 
the attitude of Michigan toward the negro. The small per- 
centage of negro population in the State precluded the 
social need for restrictive legislation.^ In the early part of 
the legislative session of 1861, there was some agitation 
for the repeal of the Personal Liberty Law which gave 
fugitive slaves the right of habeas corpus and a trial by 
jury, the state paying the costs of defense.^ The bill for 
the repeal was referred to the House Committee on 
Judiciary, which was unable to arrive at a unanimous agree- 
ment. The majority reported adversely, while the minority 
recommended its passage.^ At the next session, the meas- 
ure was finally tabled by a vote of 54 to 35, and the agita- 
tion was ended.* 

» In i860, the negroes constituted 2.17% of the total population of 
the state, and by 1864 their numbers had decreased by a half. Of a 
total population of 751,111 in i860, there were 16,310 blacks, and within 
four years the colored population fell to 8244, even with a total in- 
crease to 803,745. Census Report of Mich., 1864, pp. 606, 633. 

* Act of Feb. 13, 1855, "to protect the rights and liberties of the 
inhabitants of this state." 

* House Doc, 1861, no. 16, 15 pages, and no. 17, 16 pages. The 
former was signed by Eugene Pringle, W. J. Howell and Gilbert E. 
Pratt; the latter by Thomas W. Lockwood and M. M. Atwood, House 
Jour., 1 861, pp. 526-40, 576-91. 

* It was first postponed indefinitely by a vote of 56 to 30, and then 
tabled February 19, 1863. House Jour., 1863, pp. 606, 607, 782, 783. 
On January 28 of that year a public meeting was held in Detroit 
which called for " the repeal of the Personal Liberty Law, a return to 
the Missouri Compromise in order to settle forever the question of 



31 ] STATE POLITICS DURING THE WAR 31 

Though the dominant element in the legislature was in 
favor of the protection of the blacks in their pursuit of 
liberty, the Republicans had yet to advance in order to sup- 
port emancipation. In his letter of December 23, 186 1, 
previously referred to/ Mr. Howard gave what was, in all 
probability, a fair resume of the Republican view of the 
war. Suppression of the rebellion was considered the pur- 
pose of the North, and liberation of the slaves would be 
tolerated, if at all, only as a war measure, for the alienation 
of loyal slaveowners was, if possible, to be avoided. 

The great object of the war is, in my judgment, to beat down 
•the rebels and compel them to surrender. Our armies are 
called out to effect this ; their mission is not to emancipate or 
to return slaves, but to crush the enemy. The Republican 
party has never presented themselves to the world as aiming 
to emancipate slaves in the states. The Chicago platform nega- 
tives the idea. But should it be necessary as a means of prose- 
cuting the war to emancipate the slaves of rebels, tbe means 
should be used. 

Perhaps the inadvisability of any other position at this time, 
from a technical point of view, was uppermost in his mind 
when he continued : " Why strip the Union men of the slave 
states of all hope by adopting a policy in which they can- 
not, cannot sympathize." 

The message of Governor Blair at the opening of the 
extra session of 1862 showed an attitude somewhat more 
advanced on the emancipation issue, as he was probably the 
m.ost radically loyal person of influence in the state at this 
time. He declared that by the laws of war, emancipation 
was entirely justifiable. 

slavery in the South or in the District of Columbia." It was remarked 
at the time that " with this ineffective meeting, the Cass idea expired 
in Michigan." Mich. Coll., vol. xxviii, p. 439. 

1 Cf. supra, p. 25, note 3. 



32 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [32 

To protect the rebel's slave property is to help him to butcher 
our people and to burn our houses. Upon those who caused 
the war, and now maintain it, its chief burdens ought to fall. 
No property of a rebel ought to be free from confiscation — 
not even the sacred slave. The object of war is to destroy the 
power of the enemy, and whatever measures are calculated to 
accomplish that object and are in accordance with the usages 
of civilized nations ought to- be employed. To undertake to 
put down a powerful rebellion, and at the same time to save 
and protect all the chief sources of the power of that rebellion, 
seems to common minds but a short remove from folly. He 
who is not for the Union unconditionally in this mortal struggle 
is against it. To treat the enemy gently is to excite his de- 
rision. If our soldiers must die, do not let it be of the in- 
activity and diseases of camps, but let them have the satisfac- 
tion of falling like soldiers, amid the roar of battle, and hear- 
ing the shouts of victory, then will they welcome it as the tired 
laborer welcomes sleep. Let us hope that we have not much 
longer to wait.^ 

The war spirit manifested in the legislative and popular 
support of the document was strengthened by external cir- 
cumstances which proved more threatening than actually 
destructive. The proximity of Detroit to Canada exposed 
it to invasion by the Southern refugees congregated on the 
opposite bank of the river. Their repeated threats were a 
source of continual apprehension and this tended to throw 
odium upon whatever rebel sympathy existed in the locality." 

^ Joint Doc, 1861, p. 10. 

' The newspapers of Detroit for the month of July, 1862, contain 
numerous warnings for armed defense in case of invasion, and de- 
mands for efficient detective service. A mass meeting in that city 
held July 15 to assist in the recruitment of troops was broken up by 
a mob which had crossed over from Canada. A second meeting was 
successfully held and the press observed that from the large number 
of enlistments an important change in the popular feeling was in 
evidence. Detroit Advertiser and Tribune, July 16, 1862. L. T. 
Hemans, History of Michigan, p. 219. 



33] STATE POLITICS DURING THE WAR 03 

The discontent with the conduct of the war had increased 
by the spring of 1863, and the Fusionist victories of the 
preceding November gave encouragement to whatever anti- 
war or anti-administration sentiment there was in the 
composite party. Democratic members of the legislature 
were emboldened to pass sharp criticism upon the adminis- 
tration in the course of debates upon measures in support 
of the federal policy.^ The grievances of the discontented 
were set forth in the Democratic State platform adopted 
in convention February 11, 1863, — an irregular proceeding 
for the " off " year. " The simple issue is now freedom or 
despotism," it declared, and evidences of the latter were 
enumerated as follows : 

the suspension of the privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus, 
the arrest of citizens by military power, denial of the right of 
trial by jury, abridgment of freedom of speech and of the press, 
a secret police, martial law declared in states not in rebellion, 
freeing of the slaves of loyal citizens, and the division of the 
state of Virginia. 

In the presidential campaign of 1864, the Republicans 
were obliged to meet not only the hostility of the Demo- 
crats, but a serious schism in their own party. The Repub- 
lican sentiment in Michigan shared to a considerable degree 
the ideas of the opposition to Lincoln which developed in 
the last year of his first term. A feeling was manifest that 

* Among the hostile speeches was that directed against the admin- 
istration and the war by Edward G. Morton of Monroe, a town which 
was a Democratic stronghold. Adv. and Trib., Jan. 25, 1863. Judge 
Pratt of Calhoun declared that " the people ought to rise up and 
hurl him (the President) from his chair." George W. Peck re- 
ferred to Lincoln as " the despot at Washington, the tool of usurpers," 
and declared this a " White Man's government." Most of the regular 
Democratic members were more prudent, however, and the Speaker of 
the House, Sullivan M. Cutcheon, was a loyal and prudent parlia- 
mentarian. Mich. Coll., vol. XXX, pp. 103, 104. 



34 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [34 

the plan of the administration concerning Reconstruction 
appeared to minimize the functions of Congress and treat 
the rebel states with too much leniency. " There is an 
obvious change," it was observed, " from the compromising 
and hesitant attitude at the early period of the war," and 
the case was mildly stated when a leading organ declared 
that 

among the friends of the administration in this state, there is 
not entire unanimity on all points concerning the restoration 
of the seceded states. . . . They are generally agreed, however, 
that the Government has authority to superintend, regulate, 
and control this process and impose such conditions as the 
public safety may require.^ 

The Wade-Davis Bill, which was passed by Congress July 
4, 1864, received the support of the majority of the Mich- 
igan delegation, though the Democratic member offered 
strong resistance,^ much to the disgust of a vigorous body 
of enthusiasts at home. This bill not only assumed that the 
reconstruction of the states lately in rebellion was a legis- 
lative problem, but required the loyalty of at least a ma- 
jority of the white male adults in order to form a basis 
for the new state government. This was aimed directly 
against the theory of the President, that ten per cent of the 
votes cast at the Presidential election in i860 formed a 
sufficient electorate. Further, the bill asserted the power 
of Congress to abolish slavery within the limits of those 

"^ Adv. and Trib., June 14, 22, July 6. The term "Government" 
probably included Congress as an agent equal to the President. 
Similar expressions are to be found in the Lansing State Republican, 
July 27, Aug. 3. 

* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. iii, pp. 485-7. Globe, Mar. 2, 1864, pp. 1243-4; 
Apr. 29, pp. 1981-5; Apr. 30, pp. 2011-14; July i, pp. 3460-1; July 
2, p. 3491. The Democratic member was Augustus Baldv^^in from the 
fifth district. 



35] STATE POLITICS DURING THE WAR 35 

states which had lately seceded. It thus abandoned the 
theory of " perdurance ", or continuance of statehood after 
secession. Those members of the Union had fallen to the 
status of territories, it was believed, and, as such, were sub- 
ject to the exclusive authority of the central government. 

On the last day of the preceding May, the Radicals met 
in convention in Cleveland.^ In the twelfth section of their 
platform, they declared that Congress, as the representa- 
tives of the people, had the exclusive right to restore the 
states lately in rebellion. Fremont was named to force the 
retirement of Lincoln, whose policy was considered alto- 
gether too lenient. It would be expected from temperament 
and past convictions that Chandler would have thrown his 
influence with the opponent of Lincoln, in the interest of a 
more vigorous prosecution of the war. This was not the 
case, however, for he labored steadfastly in behalf of Lin- 
coln and he was among those who effected the withdrawal 
of Fremont. The motive for this action is not evident, but 
it is probable that he believed a change of executive would 
be unfortunate at such a crisis, and believed that should 
Fremont's retirement be followed by the resignation of 
Montgomery Blair from the cabinet, the lenient attitude 
of the President would give way to more vigorous activity. 
Chandler may have felt, — as did many of the Radicals, — 
that the removal of Blair's influence for mildness and mod- 
eration would materially affect Lincoln's point of view, and 
leave him free to pursue the more rigorous plan suggested 
by other members of his cabinet. Precisely what Chand- 
ler's part was in effecting the withdrawal of Fremont is 
uncertain, but his efforts within the state were certainly in 
behalf of Lincoln, and with the soldiers he was particu- 
larly influential.^ 

^ Rhodes, op. cit., vol. iv, pp. 463-4. 

- Post and Trib. Life of Chandler, p. 263 et seq. 



36 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [36 

The character of the Unionist movement was fully deter- 
mined on Fremont's retirement. Early in the preceding 
year, 1863, it was obvious that the Democracy would be 
the chief opponent of the party supporting the administra- 
tion, and a second element would have been added to the 
opposition had Fremont continued candidate for president- 
The situation of 1862 would thus have been repeated, 
though with this difference, that, in 1862, the opposition 
within the dominant party was based upon personal grounds 
and was conservative, while in 1864, it was based upon 
national issues and was radical. The withdrawal of Fre- 
mont closed the ranks of the Republican party and brought 
back the aggressive members, even in Michigan, to the sup- 
port of the administration. 

Its schism being a thing of the past, the party took as its 
leading issue the preservation of the Union and support of 
the administration. It came naturally to be thought of as 
containing all loyal persons, and drew to itself many loyal 
men who had previously cast their influence with the 
Fusionist movement in behalf of moderation. This left 
the Democracy now in Michigan — what it had been in 
many other states two years before— a party which was, 
when compared with the Republicans, under suspicion of 
disloyalty, however erroneous that idea might be. The 
" Union " party was now set over against the Democracy, 
which labored under the disadvantage of having the one 
policy of opposition to the war and hostility toward the 
administration. The term L'nionist had thus changed its 
meaning within the last two years. In 1862 it meant one 
opposed to the Radicals who persisted in supporting their 
leader, Zachariah Chandler, and in working upon the 
basis of personal politics. As this aggressive element 
constituted what was, in 1862, understood to be the Re- 
publican party, the Union movement was at that date 



37] STATE POLITICS DURING THE WAR 37 

essentially anti-Republican. After the disappearance in 
1864 of personal issues — at least from the foreground — 
the Union movement bore along the majority of both ele- 
ments of the Republican party which now joined forces, 
and directed its opposition against the Democracy. It thus 
appeared anti-Democratic in its essentials. 

As such, the Unionist movement was indeed successful 
in Michigan, as the popular vote for President showed it 
with a victory over strong opposition, with the small ma- 
jority of 16,917 out of a total of 166,125. Lincoln received 
55-89 per cent of the popular vote at this election — a decline 
of 1.74 per cent since i860 — and this, though small, was 
significant. The vote for Governor corresponded very 
closely with that for President.^ 

Of the 132 members of the state legislature, the Union- 
ists elected 109. and had the powerful majority of 86. All 
six Congressional districts elected Unionists to Congress, 
but in the fifth, the majority was very small. It was in 
this district where there arose the contested election case the 
next February, which turned upon the legality of the army 
vote." 

The soldiers' v^ote for President and Governor gave the 
Unionist candidates a majority of 75 per cent and in the 
Congressional elections the majority for several of the 
Unionists was much greater. There were two obvious rea- 
sons for this support offered by the soldier element. In 
the first place. Chandler had been extremely popular and 

1 Lincoln received 91,521. McClellan 74,604. For governor, Henry 
H. Crapo received 91,356 votes or 55.16%, w^hile Fenton received 74,- 
293. A few more votes were polled for President, but the differ- 
ence was negligible. These figures include the returns from seven- 
teen counties which were not received in time to be counted, but 
nevertheless show their political affiliations. Mich. Man., pp. 216, 
217, 219-221; World Aim., pp. 68-70; Trih. Abu., pp. 63, 64. 

^ This will be considered subsequently, cf. infra, ch. ii. p. 70. 



38 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [38 

had great influence with it, and in the second place, the tra- 
ditions and associations of the Democracy naturally tended 
to antagonize the army class. 

The distribution of the party vote at this election clearly 
indicated certain territorial tendencies. Five of the six 
counties that voted in the northern peninsula went Demo- 
cratic, and Emmet and Cheboygan, which generally held 
similar political preferences with their neighbors on the 
north, also voted for McClellan. The southeastern counties 
were more evenly divided and showed an unstable party 
preference — in most cases for the Democracy. Wayne 
county was constantly Democratic, and with the city of 
Detroit it has always been recognized as the centre of the 
state Democracy. Oakland, Macomb and Monroe gave 
small majorities to the Democratic candidate in 1864, all 
turned Republican in 1866, and the last returned to the 
Democracy in 1868. The south and south-central counties 
frequently presented close votes, while in those toward the 
west the Republicans predominated. 



CHAPTER II 

Michigan Politics during the Period of Congres- 
sional Restoration 

michigan and presidential restoration 

The period which intervened between the triumph of the 
Federal Executive in 1864 and the defeat of his successor, 
two years later, saw a schism in the reigning party, termin- 
ating in the rise of the Conservative or Administration 
party and the supremacy of the Radical or Congressional 
faction. 

Already in the last session of the Thirty-eighth Congress 
the first step was taken toward securing equality of the civil 
rights of the negro. This was the passage of the Thir- 
teenth Amendment early in the year 1865. It received the 
support of the entire Michigan delegation, as Augustus C. 
Baldwin, the one Democratic member, now gave it his 
favorable consideration on the final vote.^ 

The question of ratification thus came before the state 
legislature in its regular session of 1865. The fact that 
the one Democratic member was friendly to the measure 
probably had some influence in securing its favorable con- 

1 Rhodes, op. cit., vol. v, p. 50 ; Riddle, Recollections of War Times, 
p. 324 et seq. Mich. Coll., vol. xxix, pp. 591-3; -rnft. Aim., p. 51; 
McPherson, History of the Rebellion, p. 258. Mr. Baldwin failed of 
re-election in 1866, but this is hardly conclusive evidence of disap- 
proval on the part of his constituents. In the general decline of 
Democratic power in Michigan that year, he probably would have lost 
his seat had he persisted in his opposition to the amendment. 

39l 39 



40 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [40 

sideration in the state. There was no marked opposition to 
its ratification since it was recognized to be merely the 
carrying out of the Emancipation Proclamation, and ac- 
cordingly the joint resolution was passed February 2nd. 

Whereas American slavery, in its wickedness and infatuation, 
has added to its many other heinous sins the crime of waging 
a causeless, cruel and bloody war for the avowed purpose of 
dividing and destroying the nation, whereby it has forfeited all 
further right to toleration, ... it has become necessary to 
utterly destroy this barbarous foe of civilization, humanity, and 
religion.^ 

Such were the vigorous terms in which the legislature ap- 
proved the amendment. Some Democratic journals, it is 
true, had expressed the apprehension that this measure 
would usher in more objectionable steps in behalf of the 
negro, but after the ratification of the amendment they 
were, for the most part, ready to defend it and await later 
developments.' 

In connection with President Lincoln's plan of restora- 
tion, the first clear case of disagreement which is of interest 
in Michigan history, was the speech of Senator Jacob M. 
Howard on February 25, 1865. This was delivered during 
the last days of the Thirty-eighth Congress when the ques- 
tion of admitting the Senators-elect from Arkansas and 
Louisiana was being considered. In this address he rejected 
the opposite theories of "perdurance" and "state-suicide", 
and presented a view which might be considered analogous 
to the " conquered province theory " of Thaddeus Stevens. 
He asserted that the states had become " ward-provinces of 

^ Acts, 1865, pp. 777-8, Joint Res., no. 5. 

'Free Press, Jan. 13, 1865; Kal. Gazette, Jan. 25; Argus, Jan. 27, 
Feb. 3. 



41 ] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 41 

the United States progressing toward the maturity of re- 
vived loyalty ", and the right of restoring these lie claimed 
for Congress alone. He opposed the ten-percent govern- 
ments of Lincoln, on the ground that " minority govern- 
ment is an evil example inconsistent with our constitution." ' 
This early attack upon the policy of the administration was 
discussed in detail throughout the state, and it became the 
firm conviction of the leading organs of the dominant party 
in Michigan that Congress had exclusive jurisdiction over 
the establishment of loyal government in the rebel states.^ 
It was true, then, that early in the year a small but powerful 
opposition was growing up in Michigan against Lincoln's 
policy of restoration, and the political theories he main- 
tained. 

The assassination of President Lincoln brought to the 
leadership in this crisis a man who occupied a position some- 
what similar to that of Tyler, twenty-tive years before. 
The exact politics of the Vice-President in each case was a 
matter for conjecture. The Democrats believed that Mr. 
Johnson was pledged to the same principles as his prede- 
cessor, but saw in him " a man with more firmness, more 
vigor, and probably more unrelenting passion." ^ A lead- 
ing Democratic journal prophesied that he would find sup- 
port among ail factions except the Radicals, with whom he 
would not long act in harmony.* In short, the Democracy 
in Michigan placed great confidence in the new President, 
and looked forward to his calling Congress " unless pre- 
vented by the conviction that it would be swayed by the 

' Globe, Feb. 25, 1865, pp. 1091-1111; Feb. 27, p. 1128. 

* Adv. and Trib., Feb. 21, 25, Mar. 2, Apr. 4; Grand Rapids Daily 
Eagle, Mar. 8, 30; Lansing State Rep., Mar. 22: Kal. Tel. Apr. 7, 26; 
Jackson Daily Cit., May 4. 

' Free Press. Apr. 16, 1865. 

* Ibid.. Apr. 11. 



42 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [42 

fanaticism of Wade, Sumner and Stevens — men of that 
character whose thirst for blood cannot be assuaged." ' 

There was some truth in the charge of the Republicans 
that the Democracy was inconsistent. During the cam- 
paign of 1864, the latter declared that after Johnson had 
been allied with their party, his appearance on a Republican 
National ticket was indisputable proof of his apostasy. 
After his succession to the presidency, they ceased to em- 
phasize this feature of his career, and claimed him again as 
a reliable member of their party. ^ 

It was true that some members of both parties feared that 
after his experience as Governor of Tennessee, President 
Johnson would manifest a bitter animosity toward the 
rebels. His utterances to the effect that " treason must 
be made odious," and that " traitors must be punished and 
impoverished," * naturally led men to expect a rigid appli- 
cation of criminal law to the Confederate leaders. It is not 
strange, then, that Radicals like Sumner, Wade and Chand- 
ler felt a certain grim satisfaction in the prospects of the 
administration, and a confidence in the President's deter- 
mination to inflict upon the rebels the full penalties of the 
law.* 

There was little adverse comment upon Johnson's re- 
tention of Lincoln's cabinet, and the Republicans generally 
did not foresee the possibilities of the conciliatory counsels 
of Seward. Among the first steps which the President took 
towards restoration were the Proclamations of May 9th and 

^ Free Press, Apr. 13. 

* Kal. Gazette, Apr. 18, 1865; Adv. and Trib., Apr. 20; Lansing State 
Rep., May 7. 

' Speech of .'Xpr. 21, 1865, Rhodes, o/>. cit., vol. v, p. 521. 

* Ibid., Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, vol. ii, p. 13; Post and 
Tribune Life of Chandler, p. 284; Adv. and Trib., Apr. 18, 1865. 



43] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 43 

loth respectively.^ The recognition of the Peirpoint Gov- 
ernment in Virginia, and the warning to foreign nations 
against extending hospitaHty to the Confederate cruisers 
since the close of the war, both met with the approval of the 
leading journals of the state.^ 

The Amnesty Proclamation of May 2gth provided for 
the pardoning of certain classes, including the rebel leaders, 
upon personal application, and the amnesty of all other 
rebels upon the taking of a prescribed oath. Upon the basis 
of this re-established loyalty, President Johnson proposed 
to use the old electorate of the South in the process of res- 
toration. "^ The proclamation met with favorable comment 
on the part of the Democrats and many Republicans. A 
leading Democratic organ pronounced it " statesmanlike 
and manly," * while a mild Republican journal declared it 
" the embodiment of the best judgment of the masses in the 
state." " There has been a fear," the latter journal con- 
tinued, " that undue leniency might make treason respect- 
able . . . but to-day every leading traitor stands before the 
public a great criminal." ^ Speaking further of the procla- 
mation, the same journal continued: " It is a manifesto to 
the world that the government fully recognizes that treason 
has been committed, and even with the fourteen classes ex- 
cepted, it is as merciful as it is dignified — and none can 
rightly complain." In the matter of state regulation of 
suffrage, this conservative Republican organ declared itself 
in agreement with the President. " As civil communities, 
those states have the undoubted right to confer the elective 

> Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol. vi, pp. 306-9. 
' Lansing State Rep. and Free Press for May, 1865. 
' Rhodes, op. cit., vol. v, p. 525 et seq. 
* Free Press, May 31, 1865. 
s Adv. and Trib., June 6. 



44 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [44 

franchise upon, or withhold it from, such of their popula- 
tion as they may deem proper." With reference to the con- 
quered province theory, it was declared that in a process 
wherein the Northern States held the Southern States at 
their mercy as subject provinces, the distinctive features of 
Republican government would receive a fatal obscuration. 
" A state cannot secede from the Union, however much the 
people within its limits may rebel. Now that the rebellion 
is ended, the states remain with their former names, 
boundaries and population, but without laws adapted to 
their changed conditions." ^ 

Such were the views of a very prominent Republican 
organ of the milder type ; with the vast majority of the party 
in Michigan, however, the Amnesty Proclamation marked 
the beginning of hostility to the President. The reason was 
obvious. During the months of April and May there had 
been a general discussion concerning the probable attitude 
that President Johnson would take upon the question of 
negro suffrage and the electorate in the South. The Re- 
publicans insisted upon one of two alternatives — namely, 
the complete disfranchisement of all rebels, or the disfran- 
chisement of the leaders only, combined with negro suf- 
frage. They generally preferred the latter, and in this they 
were probably influenced by the Radical members of their 
party who a little later became its leaders.' 

The Amnesty Proclamation contained no reference to 
negro suffrage, but, on the other hand provided for the 
prompt restoring of all rebels, with certain exceptions, to 
full civil rights. These excepted classes contained the rebel 
leaders whom the Republicans would have barred abso- 

'^ Adv. and Trib.. June 13, 1865. 

* Lansing State Rep., Apr. 18, May 17; Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, 
May 26, June 7 : Letter of J. M. Howard to J. P. Whittemore, Apr. 3, 
1865, in the Adv. and Trib., May 31. 



45] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 45 

lutely, while under the Proclamation their pardon could be 
readily granted by special act of the President. In short, 
the document ignored negro suffrage, and looked to the 
ultimate if not hasty reinstatement of the white electorate 
of the South before the war. The majority of the Repub- 
licans of the state, and especially the Radicals, were natur- 
ally astounded at this turn in Johnson's policy, since they 
had felt fully convinced, only six weeks before, that he was 
in harmony with them upon the suffrage question.^ 

In a second proclamation issued May 29th, the President 
made provision for the restoration of North Carolina. He 
appointed \A^illiam W. Holden as Provisional Governor, 
and gave to the old white electorate of the state ' the ex- 
clusive right to elect members to the constitutional conven- 
tion, and to serve in the capacity of delegate to that body. 
Within six weeks a series of similar proclamations followed, 
which set into motion the machinery for the restoration of 
Mississippi, Georgia, Texas, Alabama, South Carolina, and 
Florida. The "ten-percent governments" set up by Lincoln 
in Louisiana and Arkansas were finally recognized, and the 
government in Tennessee, organized by President Johnson, 
himself, as Military Governor, was maintained.^ 

The appointment of Provisional Governors was promptly 
denounced by Chandler, who considered them a different 
class of officers from Military Governors. 

I believe it is an office unknown to the constitution and laws 
of our government, and, in my judgment, the President had 
no authority to create it. These governors are not sent to the 

* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. v, p. 523 et seq. 

* The electorate previous to May 20, 1861, the date of the secession 
of North Carolina. 

* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. v, p. 526-7 ; Burgess, Reconstruction and the 
Constitution, p. 35 et seq. 



46 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [46 

Senate for confirmation, nor would it have made them any 
more governors had we confirmed them, because the Senate 
and Andrew Johnson together could not have created the office. 
If there was no authority of law, then it required the com- 
bined action of the House of Representatives, the Senate, and 
the President before an officer could be legally appointed.^ 

To the Democrats, these executive acts were " only the 
old States Rights doctrine properly applied when opposition 
to the authority of the l/nited States has ceased." The 
Democracy did not credit the President with going as far as 
he should, but supported him in all that he did and con- 
gratulated him for going in advance of the party which 
elected him.^ There were grave — and as it proved, well- 
founded — apprehensions among the Democrats that if the 
Radicals succeeded in creating a popular feeling in favor of 
negro suffrage, " they would unhesitatingly adopt a policy 
in Congress of refusing seats to members from states not 
granting negro suffrage." However, it w^as thought that 
the people " generally recognized the inherent right of the 
states to regulate suffrage for themselves," ^ and the Free 
Press confidently asserted that " Radical opposition to the 
acts of the administration either in or out of Congress can 
only delay, not prevent, the restoration of the Union on a 
cordial and fraternal basis." 

By the end of July, the President's plan was fully under- 
stood, and the Radicals became completely estranged from 
the administration. They differed from him widely on the 
questions of negro suffrage, treatment of the rebel leaders, 
and the status of the rebel states. The North Carolina 

' Speech in Detroit, June 12, 1865. The same argument was used 
February, 1867, with reference to the grounds for impeachment of the 
President. 

* Free Press, June 14, 1865. 

• Ibid., June 20. 



47] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 47 

Proclamation did not create so much dissatisfaction as the 
proclamations which followed for the other states, since it 
was thought that the alleged union sentiment there justified 
a milder policy than ought to be pursued in Mississippi. 
Georgia, Texas, Alabama, South Carolina and Florida. It 
was with good reason that the Radicals became convinced 
that the President had cut loose from them.' This " Radi- 
cal " element of the Republican party in Michigan at first 
consisted of a few extremely uncompromising leaders who 
were friends of Sumner and Wade. Chief among them 
were Zachariah Chandler and Jacob M. Howard. As 
Johnson's administration progressed, this faction came to 
control more members of the party.' The circumstances 
of the coming year would necessitate an alignment of 
parties in Michigan as elsewhere, and the Conservative Re- 
publicans found themselves defending the President against 
the criticism of the Democrats and Radical Republicans 
alike. As a middle faction, they must either join the 
Democracy, advance to the Radical position, or stand alone 
as a party on the defensive. The last-named alternative was 
the one adopted, and the process of separation and reorgani- 
zation was complete by August of the succeeding year. 
Previous to this time, however, the term '' Republican " 
will be used to include the entire party, and the names "Rad- 
ical " and " Conservative " will be applied only to factions 
of that party, and not to separate organizations. 

The first convention to assemble in the rebel states for 
the purpose of constitutional revision was that of Miss- 
issippi, August 2ist and 22nd.' Several questions of great 
importance presented themselves. What proceedings should 

> Rhodes, op. cit., vol. v, p. 53i et seq. 

« Adv. and Trib., June 21, July 2; Lansing State Rep., Aug. 8, 1865. 

' Rhodes, op. cit., vol. v, p. 535 et seq. 



48 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [48 

be taken in reference to the ordinances of secession, and to 
the war debt incurred during the Rebellion? It was but 
natural that the Radical Republicans of Michigan should de- 
mand both a repudiation of the debt in no uncertain terms, 
and a declaration of the nullity of the ordinances of seces- 
sion ab initio. The Democracy favored the repudiation of 
the debt, but were not so particular as to the manner in 
which the ordinances of secession were abrogated.^ 

As the time for the meeting of Congress approached, 
there was general discussion throughout the state as to 
what action would best be taken with reference to the dele- 
gates elected by the recently restored Southern States. The 
Democrats had expressed apprehensions as early as June 
that the Republican party, in its determination to secure 
negro suffrage, would refuse seats to the delegates from 
states not granting the negroes that right.' The senti- 
ment of the Radicals voiced by Jacob M. Howard was no 
less intense than the Democrats had feared. " We owe it 
to the loyal people of the North to exclude the representa- 
tives from the late rebellious states," he declared, shortly 
before leaving for Washington." " The states in question 
are subjugated provinces, whose inhabitants are not loyal 
to-day, and only submitted to the Union authorities because 
they were unable to resist," and he demanded the exclu- 
sion of all representatives of constituencies still disloyal 
and unwilling to co-operate with the loyal element. 

On December 4th Congress assembled, and on the fol- 
lowing day the President's message was read. It con- 

* Lansing State Rep., Grand Rapids Daily Eagle. Adv. and Trib., 
Free Press, Argus, from August to November. 

' Free Press, June 20, 1865. 

' Speech in Lansing Wed., Nov. 22. 1865, reported in Lansing .State 
Rep., Nov. 24. 



49] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 49 

tained an exposition of the theory of state perdurance, of 
which Johnson was a strong defender. As the political 
system was an "indissoluble union of indestructible states," 
the states by attempting secession " impaired but did not 
extinguish their functions as members of the Union." The 
President attempted to establish his right to prescribe the 
conditions by which the states could regain their normal 
position in the Union, upon the ground of his power of 
pardon.^ The message was so tactfully written that it 
appeared not to offend either party. " The message was 
favorably received in this locality," declared the Detroit 
Tribune, which commended it for its " modest length, ami- 
able temper, clearness and candor." " " The President did 
well," it continued, " when he honorably avoided placing 
himself in a position to come into collision with Congress 
on the question of admitting the Southern members." The 
Democracy rejoiced that the President insisted upon the 
recognition of the state government which he had been in- 
strumental in founding, and believed he would never ap- 
prove of the interference by Congress with suffrage in the 
states.^ 

PRESIDENTIAL VERSUS CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 

With the entrance of the Thirty-ninth Congress upon 
its first session, the politics of Michigan were led by a 
delegation which, besides being Unionists, were reliable 
Republicans. Four of the members had served in the 
previous Congress, and an equal number were to be re- 
elected to the succeeding.* Four were thoroughly trained 

1 Rhodes, op. cit., vol. v, p. 546 et seq.; Burgess, o/>. cit., pp. 40, 41. 
' Adv. and Trib., Dec. 6, 1865. 

* Free Press, Dec. 7. 

* Fernando C. Beaman, Charles Upson, John W. Longyear, Thomas 
W. Ferry, Rowland E. Trowbridge, and John F. Driggs were the mem- 



50 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [50 

lawyers, while the other two, Driggs and Ferry, repre- 
sented the industrial interests of the state. The latter was 
the prominent guard of the extensive lumber interests of 
Michigan, and was destined to become popular both 
through his parliamentary skill — which later made him 
president of the Senate — and his advocacy of soft money. 
The entire delegation gave consistent support, from the 
first, to all measures looking to the increased power of 
Congress over reconstruction, and in this activity they were 
seconded by the great majority of the dominant party of 
the state. The Stevens resolution for the appointment 
of a Joint Committee on Reconstruction, and later, the ex- 
clusion from Congress of the delegates of the late rebel 
states elicited a great deal of discussion which seemed on 
the whole favorable to the Congressional point of view.^ 

The veto of the Freedmen's Bureau Bill was hailed by 
the Democratic organs as the deserved fate of a measure 
" unconstitutional, inexpedient, and extravagant," while 
the President was eulogized for his " courage, loyalty, and 
firmness." ^ The Republicans seemed on the whole con- 
fident that the bill would be passed over his veto. " Some 
such measure is absolutely necessary," declared an influ- 
ential Radical organ, " and a substitute will doubtless be 
immediately prepared." ^ 

bers of the Thirty-ninth Congress. Ferry and Trowbridge took the 
seats of Francis W. Kellogg and Augustus C. Baldwin respectively. 

^ Globe, Dec. 12, 1865, pp. 24-28, 30; Feb. 20. 1866, pp. 947, 950; Feb. 
27, 1053. For comment, N . Y. Herald, Dec. 13, T. L. vol. Ixiii, p. 139, 
col. 4. The appointment of Senator Howard to membership in the 
Joint Committee insured the keenest attention of the constituency to 
the acts of this body. 

* Free Press, Feb. 18, 1866. " Monday's session of Congress was 
memorable as President Johnson for the first time proved his patriotism 
and firmness by an act which, for boldness and decision under all 
circumstances, had never been paralleled in the country," ibid., Feb. 21. 

• Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Feb. 21. 



5i] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION cj 

The Civil Rights Bill was opposed by the Democrats 
upon the principle of non-interference by the general gov- 
ernment in matters not clearly delegated to it by the Con- 
stitution. In their opinion, there was little chance for 
doubt concerning the real motive for these measures. 
" Not a single emotion of solicitude for the welfare of the 
black race animated the feelings or action of the Radicals 
in Congress. . . . Their action has been dictated by what 
they thought was policy, in their anxiety to perpetuate the 
rule of their party, . . . and they rejoiced if anything op- 
pressive or disagreeable to the Southerners could be in- 
cluded." ^ The Radicals claimed to see clearly that the 
President's purpose in his vetoes was " to gain the support 
of the entire rebel population of the South, as well as the 
entire Democratic party of the North. ^ 

It was at this point that the real struggle began between 
the Presidential and Congressional factions, and the failure 
of the latter in two of its early undertakings caused a deep 
resentment which led to open hostility in Michigan as else- 
where. Many organs which up to this time had not ex- 
pressed strong antagonism to the deliberate and scrutiniz- 
ing policy of Congress were now alarmed at the extremes 
to which that body was willing to go. A reaction is 
clearly visible from this time onward, and this gave rise to 
the faction which would be known later as the Adminis- 
tration party.* 

It was in connection with the anxiety of the Republicans 
over the second passage of the Civil Rights Bill, that Gov- 

* Free Press, Mar. 15. 

* Post, Mar. 17, 1866. 

' Observations to this effect are to be found in the Adv. and Trib., 
Apr. 13, 27, Sept. 19; Free Press, Apr. 18, May 2, Nov. 9; Argus, Apr. 
20, 27. This is set forth in " The Mission of the Administration," 
an anonymous pamphlet, in vol. v, Jenison Collection. 



52 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [52 

ernor Crapo made the grave mistake of issuing a proclama- 
tion for the observance of Thursday, April 19th, as a day 
of fasting and prayer for the successful reconstruction of 
the Union/ Party spirit was concealed by the phraseology 
of the proclamation, but as it came from a governor who 
prided himself upon his violent radicalism, it was generally 
regarded as a partisan affair. Many influential Republi- 
cans foresaw the unfortunate results of such a step, and 
knew that it would become effective material in the hands 
of the opposition. It was indeed true that this policy of 
confusing religion with politics, hereafter referred to as 
" Crapo-politico-religion," was extremely opportune for 
the cause of the Democrats.^ 

After the opening of the Thirty-ninth Congress, with its 
multitude of proposed amendments to the federal consti- 
tution, Michigan resounded with the discussion of the 
various plans submitted in Congress. There was con- 
fidence among the Democrats that should these or simi- 
lar measures pass both houses, they would fail of ratifica- 
tion by the required number of states.^ The first draft 
of the proposed Fourteenth Amendment, as it was pre- 

' Argus, April 13, 1866. "After a glorious contest in the field of 
battle, let us not vainly imagine that all danger is past. ... It was 
indeed a mighty achievement to scatter to the v^^ind the armed hosts 
of treason and rebellion which were arrayed against us. . . . But the 
work is not yet finished. We have a mightier victory still to achieve 
in the reconstruction of a united country. Now when our political 
skies are clouded by antagonism between the ruling powers at the capi- 
tal of our Republic, ... let us seek . . . the Divine Aid to subdue 
our pride, to surrender our wills, to abandon our prejudices, and to 
reconstruct the Republic upon the broad principles of Right, Human- 
ity, Justice, and Eternal Truth." 

' The fast day was not generally observed, and it was remarked that 
" it ought to be a long time before any future governor of our state 
follows the example of Governor Crapo." Argus, April 27 ; also 
Free Press, April 20. 

* Free Press, Jan. 7, 28, Feb. 2, 1866. 



53] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 53 

sented to the House by Mr. Stevens, seemed to surprise 
many Radicals, but they promptly rallied to its support and 
declared that " as a policy of cautious expediency, it was 
designed to carry more states than could otherwise be 
carried." ^ 

On account of the illness of Senator Fessenden, the 
chairman of the joint Committee on the part of the Senate. 
Howard presented to that body the five articles proposed 
as the Fourteenth Amendment. In connection with the 
first, he commented upon the need of a definition of the 
term " citizen ", which occurs twice in the Constitution 
without a statement of its precise meaning. He pointed to 
the fact that the right to vote was not intended to be among 
the rights conferred. Though he plainly stated that he 
would be glad to see the negroes enjoy suffrage, at least 
to some extent, he declared that " the right of suffrage was 
not, in law, one of the privileges or immunities secured by 
the Constitution. ... It has always been regarded in this 
country as the result of positive local law." This is unmis- 
takable evidence that he, as well as the majority of the 
committee, was opposed to the assumption by the federal 
government of the regulation of suffrage." The main cur- 
rent of Republican opinion throughout the state seemed in 
harmony with this view, though several of the most radical 
organs mentioned with approval the assumption by the 
central government of the right to regulate suffrage. There 
was repeatedly expressed the fear that the remaining right 
to vote would soon be conferred upon the negro by Con- 
gress, since this was the one privilege of citizenship that 
was withheld from him.^ 

^ Adv. and Trib., May i. 

' Globe, May 23, pp. 2764-8; Lansing State Rep., May 30. 
* Kal. Tel., May 25; Adv. and Trib., June i. Speech of Augustus C. 
Baldwin, Pontiac, May 29, vol. vi, Pol. Pamphlets, Jenison Coll. 



54 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [34 

The second section of the proposed amendment had for 
its aim, Howard asserted, the encouragement of the states 
to admit their colored population to the right of suffrage 
This, he insisted, could not be considered a violation of the 
most rigid interpretation of the Constitution. The third 
article, which excluded all participants in the insurrection 
from the right to vote for Representatives in Congress and 
for Electors of the President and Vice-President, Howard 
considered defective and of no avail. There was a con- 
sistent demand of the party throughout the state that the 
disqualification extend to the holding of all offices under 
the federal or state governments. It was further urged 
that in the fourth section the debt incurred in suppressing 
the rebellion should be declared inviolate.^ The fact that 
these changes were all embodied in the final draft as agreed 
upon by both houses was a source of great rejoicing among 
the Republicans of the state and much of the honor was 
attributed to Senator Howard. The amendment received 
the hearty support of the Michigan delegation, and that 
fact insured its adoption and defense by the Republicans 
of the state as their principal issue.^ 

THE ISSUES IN THE CAMPAIGN OF 1866 

An exceptional feature of this campaign in Michigan 
as elsewhere was the threat of extreme measures and pos- 
sible violence resorted to by each party. The Republicans 
plainly spoke of impeachment, while the Democrats were 
accused of hinting at usurpation on the part of the Presi- 
dent. There were expressions on both sides of extreme 
possibilities of an armed clash. A leading Democratic 
organ remarked that " a part of the system of Radical tac- 

* Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Adv and Trib., May 25. 

* Globe for May and June, 1866, pp. 2869, 2890-8, 2900, 3042, 3149; 
Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Post, June 14; Free Press, Aug. 15. 



55] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 55 

tics in the present canvass is to educate the public ear to a 
familiarity with the idea of impeaching the President. To 
prevent a shock, they at present permit only such leaders 
as Butler and Phillips to make the threat openly ; and most 
of their organs deprecate the use of such threats, under 
cover of insinuations intended to carry the same idea." To 
combat the impeachment idea, the Democrats professed to 
see as an immediate consequence " the beginning of civil 
war in every city and village of the North." ^ 

On the other hand, there appeared apprehensions among 
the Republicans of the state that the President " would 
turn usurper and act a Cromwell," and this gave sufficient 
ground for urging a continuous session of Congress. " A 
danger to be guarded against," according to the Republican 
point of view, was the " summoning of an executive ses- 
sion and attempting to get the Senators to vote on their 
own admission and the President's appointments. If loyal 
members refuse to recognize them, the Copperheads and 
Rebels could meet by concert and thus convene a majority, 
and in case of a threatened interference, the President as 
Commander-in-chief of the Army could defend the Rebel 
Senate." ^ There were, however. Republican organs that 
objected to the continued session on the ground that " a 
general removal of officeholders in the recess could work 
less injury to the party than the spinning out of the ses- 



• Free Press, Apr. 5. The Free Press quoted liberally from the 
Cincinnati Commercial, a Johnson sympathizer, which it naturally con- 
sidered the " ablest Republican paper in the North." 

' Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, July i, 1866. The Post, Oct. 25, re- 
marked, however, that if the rumor was true that Sec. Stanton had 
filled all the vacancies in the regular army without the knowledge or 
assent of President Johnson, the army could not be used in support 
of his ambitious schemes. 

» Adv. and Trib., July 22, 1866. 



56 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [56 

The Democrats opposed negro suffrage principally on 
two grounds. In the first place, the black race had not 
shown sufficient willingness to participate in the war, it 
was urged, to warrant taking so grave a step/ Various 
utterances of the Democratic press to this effect gave the 
Radicals ground for charges that insurrection and treach- 
ery of the blacks were encouraged by such sentiments. 
They were undoubtedly very dangerous comments, consid- 
ering the position of the Democracy in Michigan, and this 
argument certainly did not add strength to the party. The 
main reason for withholding the right of suffrage from the 
negro was the presumption of what the Democrats declared 
to be a fact, " the inherent inferiority of the race." When 
it should be sufficiently advanced " to appreciate something 
of the duties and obligations of citizens ", it was thought 
time enough to consider suffrage. Negro office-holding 
was feared as the direct consequence of negro suffrage, and 
the Democrats frequently expressed an apprehension of the 
possible subordination of the whites to the blacks in the 
states where the latter constituted the majority of popula- 

* " How much did the negro do for his freedom ?" was asked time 
and again during the campaign. " When Lee was in Richmond, and 
Johnson at Chattanooga, with almost the entire available force of the 
rebellion within their command, what a scattering there would have 
been at any kind of a hostile demonstration from the black people. 
Had the race possessed the faintest aspiration for hberty, what an op- 
portunity to grasp it. Other races have plotted and fought to obtain 
that boon !" Free Press, Jan. 12, 1866. The following appeared in the 
number for Feb. 15: "For a race who had no blow to strike in the 
rear, when their friends were striking in the front, there is poor 
argument for a bloody effort to wrench from the white man the 
privilege of which they have no conception. The only danger arises 
from the influence of such brutalized wretches as Mr. Sumner, whose 
' wish is father to the thought.' " With similar vigor his prediction of 
a race war on the denial of equal suffrage was refuted by the 
Democrats. 



cy^ PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 57 

tion ' Besides, the Democrats denied that the control of 
the suffrage was vested in Congress. There was but one 
source for impartial suffrage— the states could establish it 
either by independent action among themselves or by the 
ratification of the constitutional amendment.^ The Radi- 
cals certainly found themselves in an embarrassmg situa- 
tion as the Democrats repeatedly took occasion to observe^ 
While demanding negro suffrage for the South, they failed 
to grant it in their own state. It was a glaring inconsist- 
ency which was never satisfactorily defended.' 

The fiscal questions m 1866 were decidedly less im- 
portant than m succeeding campaigns, being relegated to 
the background by reconstruction disputes. The Demo- 
crats called attention to the " great questions of taxes and 
currency m which the people are so vitally interested, in 
place of the agitation over suffrage. They favored such 
tariff -"not prohibitory, -as will produce the greatest 
amount of revenue." They declared for the payment of 
the interest upon the national debt, and its general dis- 
charge, and advocated the taxation of government secur- 
ities as well as other property.^ The atittude toward re- 
sumption was not entirely clear. Both parties desired the 
ultimate return to a specie basis, but the means were not 
agreed upon. The " unfavorable balance of trade was 
thought to impede prompt resumption, and the export tax 
upon cotton advocated by some persons was at the disad- 
vantage of requiring a constitutional amendment.' ihe 

1" Ninety-nine out of every hundred negroes have not the slightest 
idea whaVthe ballot is. A horse or a hand-saw may have defin. te 

significance to then, but any ^^^^ f ;-— /^^^^^^^^^^ ^5- 

their understanding. Free tress, Jan. ^1, iou , 

^ Argus Mar. 23, 1866; Marshall Expounder, June 14. 

^Muskegon News, Oct. 24, 1866; Free Press, Nov. 6. 

* Free Press, Jan. 20, 1866. 

" Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Feb. 16. 



58 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [58 

Republicans had, therefore, what they considered to be a 
strong argument for such tariff as would check importa- 
tion and stop the balance against us, — practically a pro- 
hibitory tarifif, — and this the Democrats refused to support. 

THE CAMPAIGN 

The anxiety on the part of the Democrats had been mani- 
fested by an agitation for an early convention. Objection 
was made on the grounds of political expediency, and the 
latter view prevailed in the end.^ There was a general 
belief that a campaign of two months was preferable to one 
of four, and a call w^as issued accordingly for the conven- 
tion to meet in Detroit. Wednesday, September 5th. The 
Republicans accused the Democrats of waiting to unite 
with the soldiers. " They see they cannot beat the Repub- 
licans fairly, but they will wait until the soldiers hold a 
state convention of their own, and then find it 'inexpedient' 
to put up another ticket. But they don't know the men they 
have to deal with, for four-fifths of the soldiers of Mich- 
igan are Republicans." " The prophecy was mistaken,^ for 
the soldiers of Michigan never went so far as to organize 
in state convention, and put a ticket into the field. They 
were earnestly sought by the regular parties, and their 
allegiance was divided almost in the proportion guessed by 
the paper quoted. The Democrats did, however, combine 
with another organization, — the new National Union or 
Administration party, — and they accepted its ticket. 

* " The Radicals are to be indicted and put on trial, and to do this 
understandingly and effectually, it is better to wait until they, through 
their leaders in Congress, have made and closed their record, if they 
are going to. When Congress has adjourned, or when it has deter- 
mined that it will not adjourn, ... a Democratic State Convention 
will be better prepared to mark out the Campaign ". Editorial of 
Argus, June i, 1866. 

* Lansing State Rep., July 18, 1866. 
^ Cf. infra, p. 65. 



eg] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 59 

The state campaign was opened August 9th by a Johnson 
mass-meeting held in Detroit to consider the appointment 
of delegates to the Philadelphia Convention and to pass 
resolutions indicative of the party's policy. The attend- 
ance was very large and the proceedings were entirely har- 
monious. The personnel consisted of able lawyers and 
politicians of both parties, while the soldier element was 
well represented by the presence of Generals Custer, Wil- 
cox, Williams, and McReynolds.^ A resolution was unani- 
mously adopted approving " the restoration policy of Presi- 
dent Andrew Johnson, the admission to their seats in Con- 
gress of the loyal and duly-elected members, and the prin- 
ciples set forth in the call for the Philadelphia National 
Union Convention." In order to distinguish themselves 
from the Copperhead element, they declared that " the ad- 
mission of those would be unwise who, in the states not m 
rebellion, failed to support the government during the 



war 



" 2 



During the same day in Detroit, the Democratic State 
Central Committee were considering the propriety of send- 

» Among the ^Republicans who " bolted " from their party were Alfred 
Russell A. Bliss, and James F. Joy, the last of whom had been an 
earnest' Whig, later a firm Republican, and had served one term in the 
legislature at the beginning of the war. The Union Democrats were 
represented in part by Byron G. Stout, who had been a Republican until 
1862 when he became a Democrat and was nominated for governor. 
General Custer cared little for politics, and his only prominence in this 
field occurred this year when he was sent as delegate to the Phila- 
delphia Convention, and to the Soldiers' Convention m Cleveland. 
Generals Alpheus S. Williams and A. T. McReynolds were Democrats 
who later received nominations to Congress, the former mi 874- on 
the Democratic and Reform ticket, the latter in 1872. Mxch. Bio- 
graphies; Rep. Men of Mich. 

'Free Press Aug. 10, 1866; for comment. New York Herald, Aug. 
10 in T. L., vol. Ixvii, p. 294. col. 2; New York Times, Aug. 12, in 
T. L., vol. Ixvii, p. 314. col. 4- 



6o THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [60 

ing delegates to Philadelphia. The Johnson mass meeting 
discussed the same subject and thought it best to leave to 
the Democrats the appointment of the delegates. As there 
was not time to call a convention for the purpose, the Cen- 
tral Committee decided to consider themselves empowered 
to make the appointments, and these were duly accepted 
by the National Union party with " implicit confidence." 
The National Unionists began to draw close to the Demo- 
crats, and it was thus that mutual confidence was first 
shown between the two parties which in a month were to 
combine in order to combat their common adversary. The 
Democrats had from the first, as would be expected, dis- 
couraged the formation of a new party, and had invited the 
National Unionists to join with them.^ The union of the 
two organizations was efifected, however, by the coalition 
of the Democracy with the National Union party a month 
later, and by the adoption of the ticket of the latter. 

The Republican State Convention of Thursday, August 
30th, was the earliest of the three, and naturally laid down 
lines for the coming campaign. The first steps toward 
practical fusion of the two elements of opposition were 
already accomplished, and the call for the convention had 
wisely included " War Democrats " among those invited.^ 
The proceedings were declared unusually harmonious, and 
congratulations were offered the soldiers of the Union, 
the state administration, and the delegation in Con- 
gress. The theory that by rebellion the states ceased to be 
states and fell to the status of territories was strictly ad- 
hered to, and the exclusive power of Congress over restora- 
tion was clearly set forth. 

1 Free Press, Feb. 20, 1866. 

=" Lansing State Rep., Aug. 30, Sept. 5, 1866, Kal. Tel, Sept. 6. 
-^ William A. Howard of Detroit, one of the most prominent Republi- 
cans of the state, was chairman of the convention. 



6i] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 6 1 

By their acts of treason and rebellion, and by their erection of 
governments in hostility to the United States, the rebel com- 
munities disrupted their civil society, abrogated their political 
institutions, and left their States without governments known 
to the country, or recognized by the government of the United 
States. . . . To Congress alone belongs the imperative duty of 
declaring when any such state is properly reorganized, and 
any government therein is legitimately constituted so as to re- 
sume its former poHtical relations with the national govern- 
ment. 

It was further declared that " in the determination of such 
questions, it is the right as the duty of Congress to guard 
against future danger to the peace and stability of the Re- 
public," by requiring the people of each state by their con- 
duct to give " satisfactory proofs of their loyalty." ^ The 
duty was proclaimed imperative of protecting the negroes, 
— ''those who remained loyal to the United States and who 
are, in a great degree, incapable of self-protection in the 
midst of a hostile element." The Congressional plan of 
reconstruction and the constitutional amendment were re- 
garded " fundamental and indispensable to the future peace 
of the country," and a change in the basis of representation 
was declared necessary in the altered condition of the na- 
tion. " Exclusion from office of leading rebels and actual 
perjured traitors is the mildest and most generous terms of 
amnesty ever offered to a rebellious enemy," the platform 
declared, and the conception of a " White Man's Govern- 
ment " instead of " God's Government for Man " was de- 
nounced as "political blasphemy." This body of resolu- 
tions was, as the Republicans admitted, a radical one, 
though it was not so extravagant in self-praise as those of 
succeeding years. 

^ Post, Aug. 31, 1866; Ann. Cyc, 1866, p. 507. There was apparent 
a striking similarity to the views of Sumner concerning the guaran- 
ties of loyalty, and to the declarations of the Republican platforms of 
the New England states of that year. 



62 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [62 

Great care was exercised in the selection of a ticket. 
There was a strong opposition to Governor Crapo on the 
ground that a soldier would receive a greater following. 
Several possibilities for the gubernatorial candidacy were 
mentioned, but the opponents were unable to agree, and the 
prestige of the " two-term principle " was credited by them 
with his renomination. The soldier class was complimented 
by the nomination from their class of five candidates ^ who 
were intended to combat the six subsequently chosen by the 
Democrats, one of whom. General Alpheus S. Williams, 
headed the ticket. The Republicans chose Carl Schurz and 
Zachariah Chandler as delegates to the Convention of 
Northern Republicans and Southern loyalists which was to 
meet in Philadelphia. September 3rd." 

The Johnson supporters met in Detroit, Wednesday, Sep- 
tember 5th, in accordance with the call issued by the mass 
convention of August 9th. Extreme enthusiasm had been 
shown over the Philadelphia Convention, and the call for a 
grand mass ratification meeting to endorse its action was 
combined with a call for a nominating convention to put 
into the field a National Union State ticket. This move 
was deemed impolitic by an influential faction, ■■* who fav- 
ored postponement of the choice of candidates until the day 

' The five soldiers nominated by the Republicans were as follows : 
Gen. Dwight May, for Lieutenant Governor, Gen. Oliver Spaulding, 
Sec. of State, Gen. Wm. L. Stoughton, Attorney-General, Gen. Wm. 
Humphrey, Auditor-General, and Gen. Benjamin D. Pritchard, Land 
Commissioner. Gen. May entered the war in 1861 as Captain, and re- 
mained in active service until its close when he was made Brigadier. 
Generals Spaulding, Stoughton, Humphrey, and Pritchard also rose 
from captaincies and the last was popular as the captor of Jefferson 
Davis. This subject received comment in the .V. Y. Tribune, Sat., 
Sept. 29, T. L., vol. Ixviii, p. 279, col. 3. 

2 Reminiscences of Carl Schurz, pp. 212-3. 

* Argus, July 6, 1866; Free Press, Aug. 3, 19. 



63] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 63 

following the one proposed, when they could agree with 
the Democrats in convention upon one ticket. The regular 
date was observed, however, and it was for the Democrats 
rather than the Unionists to make the first advance toward 
coalition. Full consciousness of the gravity of the occa- 
sion seemed to pervade the meeting. The temporary chair- 
man declared in his address that this was " perhaps the last 
attempt to preserve intact the integrity of the Union," and 
referred to the period as " the most momentous crisis in our 
nation's history." ^ Similar sentiments were expressed by 
the permanent chairman. Gen. C. O. Loomis. "The present 
time is considered one of peril in that ... an attempt is 
now being made to make the victory barren of results. The 
right of representation," he urged, " belonged under the 
Constitution to the eleven states formerly seceded. It is a 
right inherent which they possess, without condition other 
than that prescribed in the Constitution : . . . and any who 
would prescribe other conditions are just as rebellious as 
those who took up arms against us." ^ 

The party received a permanent organization in the ap- 
pointment by the chairman of a State Executive Committee 
composed of one representative from each county. The 
resolutions were similar to those of August gth.^ They de- 
clared that the " admission of loyal men into the Congress 
from all the states is essential to the complete restoration 
of the Federal Union and the maintenance of the Constitu- 
tion upon which this Union is founded." The favor of the 
soldier element was courted by pointing to the appearance 
of veterans among the nominees as testimony of the high 
esteem in which they were held as " the defenders of the 

* Address may be found in Pol. Pamphlets, vol. v, Jenison Coll. 

* Free Press, Sept. 5, 1866 ; Kal. Gazette, Sept. 7. 

* Argus. Sept. 7; Ann. Cyc., pp. S08-9. 



64 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [64 

integrity of the Union." Gen. Alpheus S. Williams headed 
the state ticket.^ He was formerly a Whig of the Henry 
Clay school, and retired from politics after the dissolution 
of that party. From a resume of the past affiliations of the 
candidates, it may fairly be inferred that the predominating 
influence was very hostile to Congress, for one-half of the 
new party's candidates were life-long Democrats, while the 
others were dissatisfied Republicans. 

The Democratic State Convention met the following day 
and adopted the Unionist ticket. After complimenting the 
soldiers, the convention expressed strong disapproval of 
the Radicals' conduct and endorsed the Philadelphia Con- 
vention of August i4th.^ The Democrats declared that "the 
Democracy has risen above party action," by its acceptance 
of the National Union ticket and its invitation to " all good 
citizens to unite in this crisis without regard to antecedents." 
They gave a distinctly reform character to the party by the 
arraignment of the Republicans on charges of " heavy tax- 
ation, wasteful and unfair legislation, and a vicious system 
of currency." The Democrats declared themselves the true 
representatives of the people, and as the Republicans had 
advocated shorter hours of labor, both parties began that 

' Gen. J. G. Parkhurst, Col. George Gray, and Col. Louis Dillman 
were candidates for the offices of Lieutenant-Governor, Attorney- 
General, and Land Commissioner respectively, and they had been 
staunch lifelong Democrats. Col. Bradley Thompson, candidate for 
Secretary of State, was a Republican who refused to endorse the radi- 
cal principles of that party. Luther H. Trask, nominee for State 
Treasurer, and Gen. George Spaulding, candidate for Auditor-Gen- 
eral, were in a similar position. The two non-political nominations 
were for Superintendent of Public Instruction, and for Member of 
the State Board of Education. 

^ Free Press, Argus, Sept. 7, 1866; Ann. Cyc, p. 508. "The country 
is threatened by an unscrupulous faction in Congress who propose to 
hold power at all hazards in violation of all law and who, unless ar- 
rested, will precipitate another war upon us more deadly than the last." 



65 J PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 65 

recognition of the laboring class which was to become of 
greater importance within the next ten years. 

The soldiers and sailors of Michigan ^ met in Detroit 
nine days later to appoint delegates to the Cleveland Con- 
vention. The invitation was extended to " all those soldiers 
and sailors who approve of the policy of the President of 
the United States, and of the restoration of harmony and 
good feeling between the different sections of our common 
country, — and who are in favor of the admission of loyal 
representatives from the states lately in rebellion to seats 
in the two houses of Congress.^ The soldiers of Michigan 
never attained a separate organization or framed a body 
of resolutions of their own. as some Republicans believed 
they would. Their allegiance was divided for the reason 
that both parties had wisely placed several military names 
on their respective tickets and both tried to win their sup- 
port by eulogistic resolutions. The fact was evident, how- 
ever, after the election, that a large majority of the soldiers 
of the state adhered to the Republican party, though the 
exact number cannot be ascertained. 

The campaign in Michigan, as elsewhere, was extremely 
vigorous, and the Republican organization and party man- 
agement were most effective. The state organization 
known as "Boys in Blue " under the leadership of Russell 
A. Alger was very active, especially in the southeast portion 
of the state. Among the speakers of national importance 
who were appointed to canvass the state were Carl Schurz, 
Schuyler Colfax, and Gen. Butler, while the prominent state 
politicians were Chandler, Ferry, Trowbridge, Crapo, Bea- 
man and Blair.^ It is very probable that some of the ex- 

^ Cf. supra, p. 58. 
» Argus, Aug. 31, 1866. 

3 Post, Oct. 25, 29, 1866. The gist of the campaign addresses, which 
were on the whole more rampant with party spirit than those of 



66 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [66 

treme views expressed by Mr. Chandler tended to alienate 
a faction of his party. This fact would undoubtedly have 
appeared had not the President caused a similar revulsion 
in the opposite direction.^ A very active part was taken by 
the Detroit Post which was, from the first, recognized as 
the official Radical organ of the state. Behind it stood Sen- 
ator Chandler with an abundance of funds at his command, 
and at the head of its editorial staff was Carl Schurz.- 

The personal element in the campaign had immense influ- 
ence in Michigan as elsewhere — perhaps more — as several 
of her politicians had acquired the reputation for a strength 
of character amounting to eccentricity. The importance of 
the personal element began to appear, of course, after the 

the Democrats, were the defense of the Fourteenth Amendment and 
the ascription to the Democrats of the rcponsibility for the RebelHon 
and its consequences. Speech of Austin Blair, Wednesday, Oct. 3. Rep- 
resentative Hall, Lansing, reported in the Lansing State Rep., Oct. 10. 
The probability of the assumption by the General Government of the 
rebel -war debt, if Johnson's policy v^^ere sustained, was one of Chandler's 
favorite subjects. Speech at Lansing, Oct. 17, with comment in the 
Post, Nov. 5. He declared that the method would be to sell to mem- 
bers of Congress, in order to pass the measure, a quantity of scr'p 
at several cents on the dollar, their notes being payable in ten days 
or thereabouts after the passage of the law. " Forever repudiate 
the rebel debt and adopt an amendment to this effect, and such a 
measure could never be undone by a corrupt Congress." This argu- 
ment resembled closely the guaranties urged by Sumner in his speech 
at the Worcester Convention of the same year. Insistence upon the 
original claims against England with legal interest was also common 
to both, but Chandler's demand for the Canadas as a " fair compensa- 
tion for all the damages received " was still more extreme than the 
other Radicals could endorse. 

' Free Press, Feb. 27, Oct. 19, 1866 ; Marshall Statesman, Oct. 25. 

» The first issue of the Daily Post was that of March 27, 1866. 
After the advent of this rival, the Detroit Advertiser and Tribune be- 
came the avowed enemy of Chandler and the Radicals, and entered 
upon a middle course. Farmer, op. cit., vol. i, p. 684; Reminiscences' 
of Carl Schurz, pp. 211, 212; Mich. Coll., vol. xxx, pp. 507-517; Detroit 
Evening News, Feb. 25, 1876. 



ey] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION 67 

President's White House Speech of February 22nd. The 
Democratic organs were naturally loyal to him and em- 
phasized his policy rather than his manner, which was some- 
times mentioned in an apologetic strain.' The Repub- 
licans on their side ably seized their advantage. They com- 
pared the President to Fillmore, while the Democrats saw 
resemblance to Andrew Jackson. The Post shrewdly alluded 
to the campaign of i860 when Johnson "bolted the regu- 
lar Democratic party and stumped the states of Mississippi 
and Tennessee wnth Davis against Douglas." ^ " AVe are 
becoming more and more convinced every day that it [the 
President's tour] will prove a real Republican victory.^ 
We rejoice that his natural arrogance and his impetuous, 
irascible, and irrational temper . . . were so thoroughly ex- 
posed and illuminated by his brutal harangue at Cleveland." 
Such was the judgment of the leading radical organs of the 
state. It was to be expected that the visit of the Presi- 
dential party w^ould stimulate harsh criticism on the part 
of the Republicans, especially of Detroit. They remarked 
that it was only political tact to arrange for the company of 
Grant and Farragut in the excursion, as the enthusiasm 
which would undoubtedly be shown them could be con- 

1 " The telegraphic report could not do justice to the President's 
diction and eloquence. He will stand as the Preserver of his country, 
a title no less exalted and no less dear to the American people than 
that of ' Father of his country.' " Free Press, Feb. 24, 1866. " The 
Serenade speech could not be excelled for plainness and directness 
to the object, — which was to explain the difference between himself 
and the traitors and disunionists in Congress. It went directly to the 
spot without circumlocution or mercy." Free Press, April 20. 

' Sept. 8, 1866. One Radical organ remarked that Mr. Johnson's 
plan received strong support from four Ex-Presidents — Fillmore, 
Pierce, Buchanan and Jeff. Davis. Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Apr. 24. 

3 The Presidential party in " swinging 'round the circle " visited 
Detroit on the 4th of September. 



68 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [68 

strued in honor of the President.^ The President was not 
the victim of all the ridicule of the radical press. Seward's 
speeches at Auburn, New York, and in New York City, in 
which he predicted " reconciliation and peace ", were gen- 
erally made light of as predicting an impossibility and show- 
ing little foresight." 

THE ELECTION IN MICHIGAN 

The results of the November elections were not surpris- 
ing to those who had closely observed the trend of affairs 
in Michigan. When the poll was taken the Radicals found 
they had an average majority of more than 3,000 in each 
Congressional district, and in each of the two immense dis- 
tricts comprising the northern and central counties, the ma- 
jority reached 6,500. " The contest in Michigan is meas- 
urably between Radicals and Conservatives," observed the 
New York Tribune, and it considered that the former " had 
the advantage of popularity and numbers." ^ Throughout 
the campaign the Radicals had expressed certainty of their 
victory. " Our delegation in the next Congress," declared 
the Post confidently, " will present an unbroken front of 
radically loyal men elected by majorities that will show this 
to be . . . the Massachusetts of the West." * If the spring 
elections were indicative of the relative position of the 
parties, the Republicans certainly were justified in expect- 
ing victory. The returns regularly showed an increase in 
their majorities where they won, and increased followings 

1 Post, Sept. 4, 1866. It further referred to the delegation of Loyal 
Southerners from the Philadelphia Convention which would travel the 
same route pursued by the President " to tell the people the true situ- 
ation of affairs." 

' Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, May 24, 1866. Post, July 3, August 31- 

» Sat., Sept. 29, 1866. 

* Aug. 31. 



6q] period of congressional restoration 69 

in the territory of the opposition/ In the November elec- 
tions, the Radicals made still more important gains, and 
claimed a " sweep " even in old Democratic strongholds." 

All six members elected to the lower house of Congress 
were Republicans, and the personnel remained unchanged 
save in the case of the third district, which was now repre- 
sented by Ex-Governor Austin Blair in place of Hon. John 
W. Longyear. The Michigan delegation had satisfied the 
expectations of their party, and the most influential Repub- 
lican organs cast their influence in favor of their return.^ 
While some of the Republican candidates received approxi- 
mately two-thirds of the votes cast in their respective dis- 
tricts, the victory was exceedingly close in the first, third, 
and fifth.* The Democratic membership in the lower 
house of the state legislature was reduced from 21 to 17, 
while their remnant of influence in the upper house was 
maintained by the election of two out of 32 senators. The 
party balance was thus more favorable than ever to the 
Republicans, as their joint majority rose from 86 to 95. 

» Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Mar. 30, 1866. Adv. and Tub., Mar. 
31 ; Lansing State Rep., Apr. 4. 

» " In this city, (Detroit), our gains are so heavy that another cam- 
paign may entirely redeem it from Democratic rule." Fo^f, Nov. 7; 
Free Press, Nov. 8, 10. The statistical sources for the election were 
the Mich. Man., 1867, pp. 251-3; Ann. Cyc, pp. 507-510; Trib. Aim., 
World Aim. The newspapers consulted were as follows: The Post, 
Adv. and Tribune, Free Press of Detroit; Mich. Argus of Ann Arbor; 
Jackson Citizen, Jackson Patriot; Marshall Statesman, Marshall Ex- 
pounder: Battle Creek Journal; Kal. Gasette, Kal. Telegraph; National 
Dem. of Cassopolis ; Niles Rep., Hillsdale Daily Standard, of the south- 
ern portion of the State: St. Clair Rep.; Wolverine Citisen of Flint; 
Bay City Weekly Journal; Lansing State Rep.: Grand Rapids Daily 
Eagle; Muskegon News, of the central northern portion of the state. 

' Lansing State Rep., July 25 ; Post, Aug. 2. 

* The vote in the First Congressional District was 22,197 Rep., to 
20,595 Dem.; in the Third, 19.268 to 16,268; and in the Fifth, i6,347 
to 14,622. Trib. Aim., p. 35- 



70 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [70 

Governor Crapo received 58.83 per cent of the vote and 
was re-elected by a majority of almost 30,000. while the 
other names on the ticket received even stronger support/ 
The proposed constitutional amendment granting soldiers' 
suffrage and the proposition to revise the state constitution 
were both favored by large majorities.^ 

An incident connected with the Soldiers' Voting Law 
had proved very unfortunate for the Democratic party in 
the state. This was the law which the proposed constitu- 
tional amendment was intended to affirm beyond question. 
The contested election case in the fifth district arising 
from the election of 1864 brought into discussion the law 
providing for the taking of the vote of soldiers in the field. 
Mr. Baldwin, the Democratic claimant, alleged that the law 
was unconstitutional on the ground that it contravened the 
provision requiring residence in the state three months, and 
in the township or ward ten days, previous to voting." The 

1 The vote stood 96,746 to 67,708, excluding the returns from two 
wards in Detroit which were rejected for alleged irregularities. They 
would have increased Crapo's majority by 456. K Democratic mayor 
was elected in Detroit by 360 majority, which showed a reduction in 
the party's following of 500 since the last election. The Republicans 
declared that even with such results, " a large number did not visit the 
polls on Tuesday." Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Nov. 7, t866. 

* The former by 86.354, to 13,094, the latter by 79,505 to 28,623. 
Upon these questions, — the second of which was of great importance, — 
a large number abstained from voting. There were 56,000 more who 
expressed their preference for governor and members of Congress 
than voted upon the question of constitutional revision. Over twice 
as many Democrats absented themselves from the polls as Republicans, 
notwithstanding their comparative weakness. The minor parties were 
not yet prominent. The Labor Union Candidate for Governor re- 
ceived 200 votes in Ionia, whose majority went strongly Republican. 

' Globe, Feb. 13, 1866, pp. 839-845. Pol. Pamphets, vol. 3, no. 6, 
Jenison Coll. He contended that the majority of 710 for Mr. Trow- 
bridge would be changed to a majority in his favor "by the exclusion 
of 1 179 illegal votes cast in camp under the Soldiers' Suffrage Act." 
The victory of Trowbridge was accounted for in this way by the 



j7i] PERIOD OF CONGRESSIONAL RESTORATION yi 

controversy inevitably tended to antagonize the soldier ele- 
ment whose favor both parties were trying to win. The 
acceptance of the majority report in favor of the Repub- 
lican claimant incensed the Democratic journals of the state, 
and they unfortunately diminished their following by their 
continued denunciation of the popular measure. In 1864, 
the Democracy commanded approximately one- fourth of 
the soldiers' vote, and there are indications that this sup- 
port was materially diminished two years later.^ 

The Democrats were generally agreed upon the reasons 
for what they were frank to admit was an overwhelming 
defeat. There had been evident a party apathy throughout 
the state growing out of either an over-confidence in 
strongly Democratic centers, or a conviction of certain 
defeat in Republican districts. There was concealed dis- 
satisfaction at the union with the Conservative Republicans 
who were openly charged with " coldness and open treach- 
ery " and the failure to give any support to the Democracy. 
The Republican gubernatorial vote rose from 55.16 per 
cent of the total in 1864 to 58.83 per cent, and even the 
occasion of a party schism failed to bring out all the votes. 

The Northern Peninsula was more evenly divided be- 
tween the two parties than in 1864, and four of the seven 
counties voted Democratic. The southern and south central 
counties gave the Republican candidates on the average 60 
to 75 per cent of their votes, while every county in the 
three lowest tiers, save Wayne, was more evenly balanced. 

Democratic organs ; " It is thought that this will compensate for the 
escape of Raymond, Darling and a few others, (Conservative Republi- 
cans) from Thad. Stevens' pocket, and keep a two-thirds majority in 
readiness for an occasion." Argus, Mar. 9, 1866. 

^ There is, of course, no separate data for this year to show the exact 
proportion, as there was in 1864, but current comments point to this 
conclusion. Argus, Nov. 16; Marshall StatesDian, Nov. 22; Adv. and 
Trib., Nov. 28, 1866. 



^2 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [72 

and several changed their allegiance within the next two 
years. 

The party position in Michigan in 1866 was very similar 
to that of 1872. Both years the Democracy united with 
the disaffected minority of the Republican party, and 
adopted its ticket. Though the reform element was absent 
in 1866, the general subject upon which the dominant 
party divided was, in both cases, the method of reconstruc- 
tion. It is remarkable that the Democracy — though a de- 
cidedly minority party in Michigan — should have chosen 
both years to ally itself with a group who had previously 
been members of the hostile party. The sacrifice was, how- 
ever, far less in 1866 than six years later, as both parties 
to the coalition had undoubtedly given strong support to 
the old *' Union " organization. It is also strange that in 
Michigan political literature of the period, the regular 
names were employed more generally in reference to the 
parties than the terms " Radical " and " Conservative ". 
This was contrary to the practice in many of the states, and 
in all probability was due to the predominance of the Radi- 
cal tendency of the Republican party. The sustaining influ- 
ence of such Ultra-Radical leaders as Zachariah Chandler, 
Austin Blair, Jacob M. and William A. Howard, success- 
fully kept the Radical position practically typical of the 
Republican party, and more nearly identical with it, than 
was the case in most of the other states. Though a small 
number of influential men were really Conservative "bolters" 
from the Republican party, the lines remained so sharply 
drawn, that as a general truth it may be affirmed that the 
Republicans were the Radicals, and the Democrats the Con- 
servatives. There was, then, no occasion — or at least no 
necessity — to change the old names. 



CHAPTER III 

The Politics of Michigan, 1867- 1868, and Her Atti- 
tude TOWARDS Early Reconstruction 

The year 1867 was indeed an important period in the 
politics of Michigan from the point of view of both state 
and federal legislation. As local interests were of greater 
importance in the spring elections of 1868, and federal 
issues in the fall campaign, the activities of the state legis- 
lature will first be considered. 

STATE ISSUES 

In the session which met January, 1867, the legislature 
ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, considered, but failed 
to pass, a number of bills relating to internal improvement, 
and provided for the revision of the state constitution. 
These three subjects will be treated seriatim. 

When the proposed Fourteenth Amendment was sub- 
mitted to the several states for their ratification in June of 
1866, there were some persons in Michigan who favored 
calling an extra session of the legislature for this purpose. 
This elicited vigorous opposition on the part of the Democ- 
racy and of some Republicans who felt that the vote of a 
legislature, elected almost a year and a half before, could 
not possibly be considered a true expression of the present 
view of the constituency. " Action upon the amendment 
properly belongs to a legislature chosen upon the particular 
issue ", declared a Republican journal, " for an extra ses- 
sion of this legislature might adopt the amendment against 
the convictions of the majority of its constituents, thus giv- 
ing it a legal but not a moral force." ^ 

^ Jackson Daily Cit.. July 3, 1866. 
73] 73 



74 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [74 

The discussion of the amendment continued throughout 
the summer and the following autumn, but not until the 
regular session of 1867 was it finally ratified. The great 
preponderance of Republican influence in the legislature 
rendered the opposition throughout the state altogether in- 
effectual. The Democrats regarded the amendment, if fin- 
ally adopted, as " the commencement of a revolution in 
American affairs ". " The construction of the Union was 
effected by willing compromises ", a very able Democratic 
editor declared, and 

the various independent and sovereign states resigned severally 
those portions of their sovereign power which were deemed 
necessary to the purposes of the Federal Government, reserv- 
ing all other portions as inviolable. . . . The theory on which 
amendments are nozv proposed is that by having entered into 
the Union under the Constitution a power has been given to 
the General Government to possess itself of the reserved 
powers of the states, and that if two-thirds of Congress vote 
aye, and three-fourths of the states vote with them, they may 
annihilate the last relic of power in any state.' 

Contrary to the hopes of the Democracy, the elections of 
1866 resulted in a stronger Republican majority in the new 
legislature that was the Union majority in the former 
body and ratification was not long delayed. It took place 
February 15th, and Michigan thus became one of the 
twenty-one states first ratifying.^ 

The second feature of the legislative activity of this ses- 
sion was the large number of railroad-aid bills presented 
in response to numerous petitions from the north, central 

1 Mr. Elihu B. Pond of Ann Arbor, in the Argus, Jan. 4, 1867. A 
similar view was expressed in the speech of Mr. O. C. Comstock in 
Jackson. Jan. 22, vol. iii, Pol. Pamphlets, Jenison Coll. 

* The Senate ratified by a vote of 25 to i, the House, 77 to 15. Acts, 
1867, Joint Res., no. 12. pp. 312-14, Feb. 15; McPherson, Handbook, 
1867, p. 68. 



75] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION -c 

and western portions of the state. These bills authorized 
townships, cities and counties to vote pecuniary aid to rail- 
road corporations either by taxation or by loans. The bills 
were vetoed by the Governor on the ground that they were 
both unconstituional and impolitic.^ Only one of them 
was passed over the veto — that to legalize bonds already 
issued — and the controversy occasioned strong enmity be- 
tween the executive and legislature.^ 

THE CONSTITUTION OF 1867 

It was the revision of the constitution of 1850, however, 
about which the state politics of this and the succeeding 
year principally centered. The contest which was to end 
in what the Democrats considered a signal victory was occa- 
sioned by the first message of Governor Crapo to the legis- 
lature of 1865, in which he recommended the consideration 
of constitutional revision.^ The matter was taken up in 

^ The provisions of the constitution which in the opinion of the 
Governor were violated were sections 6, 8, and 9, Art. XIV: "The 
credit of the state shall not be granted to, or in aid of, any person, 
association or corporation." " The state shall not subscribe to or be 
interested in the stock of any company, association, or corporation," 
and " the state shall iiot be a party to, or interested in, any work of 
internal improvements." The constitution is contained in the Mich. 
Man., 1867. Michigan as a Province, Territory, and State, vol. iv, ch. 
I. PP- 52-3- 

* Acts, 1867, p. 107; Ann. Cyc, 1867. For accounts of this matter, 
and the attitude of different organs toward the railroad question, the 
following numbers are valuable: Post, Aug. 16, 27, Sept. 13, Nov. 5, 
1867; Free Press, Aug. 24, 26; Adv. and Trib., Aug. 31. This subject 
will be more fully examined subsequently, cf. infra, p. 81. 

* "At the general election to be held in the year 1866 and in each suc- 
ceeding sixteenth year thereafter, and also at such other times as the 
legislature may by law provide, the question of a general revision of 
the constitution shall be submitted to the electors qualified to vote for 
members of the legislature, and in case a majority voting at such elec- 
tion shall decide in favor of a convention for such purpose, the legis- 
lature at the next session shall provide by law for the election of dele- 
gates to such convention." Sec. 2, Art. XX, Mich. Man., 1867, pp. 136-8; 
for manner of submission, ibid., 1871, pp. 399-400. 



yd THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [76 

the succeeding legislature, that of 1867, and the composi- 
tion of the constitutional convention was the subject of 
extended debate. The act which was finally passed March 
I ith provided in detail for the convention, and allowed each 
county as many delegates as it had State Representatives/ 
The body accordingly assumed practically the same char- 
acter as the House, and as its membership included seventy- 
five Republicans and twenty-five Democrats, it could fairly 
be considered a Republican convention. It sat seventy-four 
days, from May 15th to August 22nd. Among the sub- 
jects urged upon its attention were woman suffrage, the 
union of the State Agricultural College with the State Uni- 
versity, the prohibition of the sale of intoxicating liquors, 
the increase of salaries of state officers, annual in place of 
biennial sessions of the legislature, negro suffrage, and aid 
to railways. 

The first subject, woman suffrage, came before the con- 
vention twice in the form of a resolution for separate sub- 
mission, and was defeated both times — the latter by a close 
vote.^ 

The point which caused the controversy concerning 
the compulsory support of the Agricultural College was the 
apparent partiality shown by the state tow^ard one class of 
citizens. There was strong pressure brought to bear in 
favor of combining the institution with the State Univer- 
sity and it was also proposed to convert it into a Women's 
College. Neither suggestion was carried out, for a provi- 
sion was adopted which made its support compulsory as a 
separate institution " for the study of agriculture and the 
natural sciences connected therewith." ^ 

' Acts, 1867, no. 41, 60-62. 

* The vole was 31 to 34 against it. Convention Debates, vol. ii, July 
26. p. 367; Aug. 12, pp. 766, 789-91. 
' Debates, vol. ii, p. 483. 



yj^ EARLY RECONSTRUCTION 7- 

The prohibition of the sale of intoxicating liquors re- 
ceived thorough discussion in which the argument of in- 
efficacy was brought forward by a strong faction favoring 
a rigid license system. The Committee on Intoxicating 
Liquors presented a resolution that " the legislature shall 
not pass any act authorizing the granting of a license for 
the sale of ardent spirits or intoxicating liquors as a bev- 
erage." A substitute was presented by Mr. Lothrop which 
included this prohibitory resolution and, in addition, a pro- 
vision for a separate vote upon the article. The substitute 
was adopted by a vote of 45 to 36 and it was thus decided 
that prohibition should be excluded from the constitution 
in order that it might not impair the adoption of the latter.^ 

With reference to the question of an increase of salaries, 
there was a general conviction that the remuneration of the 
state officials was insufficient to secure the best class of in- 
cumbents. The salary of the Governor was to be raised 
from $1,000 to $3,000, and those of the other officers were 
to be materially increased. The resolution to this effect was 
passed and the subject was included within the constitution 
as Section i of Article X.^ 

The advocates of annual legislative sessions declared that 
the growing interests of the state demanded more frequent 

1 Debates, vol. i. p. 596 ; vol. ii, pp. 679 et seq. : Journal of the Con- 
vention, pp. 640-4. 

* Debates, pp. 609 et seq. : The existing and proposed salaries were 
as follows : 

The Governor, $1000, $3000. 

Secretary of State. $800, $2000. 

Secretary of Treasury, $1000, $2500. 

Commissioner of State Land Office, $1000, $2000. 

State Superintendent of Instruction. $1000, $2500. 

Auditor General, $1000, $2500. 

Attorney General, $800, $2000. 

Justices of the Supreme Court and of the Circuit Courts, $2500 
and $1500 respectively, $3000. 



78 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [78 

consideration. They also argued that if the legislature 
should meet annually, the hasty procedure which was gen- 
erally admitted under the present system would thus be 
unnecessary, and greater consideration would be given the 
subjects of legislation. The sessions would be shortened, 
and the expense would not be materially increased. This 
faction of the convention was successful in getting an article 
adopted which provided for annual sessions, but this was to 
be submitted independently of the constitution, and to re- 
ceive a separate ballot.^ 

The subject of negro suffrage was formally brought 
before the convention on May 21st, the fifth day of its ses- 
sion. A resolution was presented by Mr. Lovell which 
requested that " the Committee on Elections be instructed 
to inquire into the propriety of extending the privileges of 
the elective franchise to all citizens over twenty-one years 
of age who have not been convicted of crime." ^ Following 
closely this phraseology of Mr. Lovell's, a resolution was 
accordingly reported by the Committee which simply 
omitted the word " white " from the qualifications for vot- 
ing. In the protracted debate which followed, Mr. Thomas 
M. Crocker, of Macomb County, was prominent as a leading 
opponent of those who defended this summary manner of 
disposing of so important a subject by the convention. His 
plan was embodied in a resolution whose first part consisted 
of five articles, and whose second provided for the submis- 
sion of the resolution to a separate vote.^ 

According to Mr. Crocker's plan, all persons should be 
considered electors, entitled to vote, who were twenty-one 
years of age and belonged to any one of five classes which 
were then enumerated. The first provided for " every white 

^ Debates, vol. ii, pp. 34-5. 

* Journal, p. 44; Debates, vol. i, p. 47. 

* Journal, pp. 702-5 ; Debates, vol. ii, p. 779. 



^q] early reconstruction yg 

male citizen of the L'nited States." The three succeeding 
articles respectively related to white male inhabitants in- 
tending to become citizens of the United States, to white 
male residents in the State on June 24, 1835, the date of 
the admission of Michigan into the Union, and to civilized 
male Indians with certain restrictions. The fifth and last 
article included " ever}- male inhabitant of x\frican descent, 
a native of the United States." 

It was obvious that in this resolution the bestowal of 
the right of suffrage upon persons of African descent was 
considered in the light of a concession. After excluding 
blacks in the first three articles, the right was affirmatively 
conceded in the fifth. A further evidence that it was not 
intended to force the change upon the state was the provi- 
sion for the submission of the resolution on impartial suf- 
frage to a separate vote of the constituency. Thus the plan 
of Mr. Crocker certainly placed the matter before the people 
with greater clarity and impartiality than the summary 
resolution of the committee. 

The conflicting views appeared in a brisk struggle over 
this question in which Messrs. Conger, Crocker and Morton 
participated.' The first, Omar D. Conger of St. Clair 
County, insisted that impartial suffrage should be estab- 
lished by the mere omission of the word " white " from the 
qualification for voters. The second, a man who represented 
a more conservative class, favored the clear distinction of 
voters with respect to color by enumerating the two classes 
in separate clauses. He defended his separate-submission 
clause as showing only a due regard for the views of the 
people on the question. The third member, Mr. Edward 
G. Morton of Monroe County, was opposed to negro suf- 
frage on any grounds at present. 

In the defense of his resolution, Mr. Crocker declared 

^Debates, vol. ii, pp. 712-18, 786-9. 



So THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [8o 

that the change in the electorate anticipated by the resolu- 
tion of the committee was of such a nature that it should 
be put frankly before the constituency to accept or reject. 
Merely to strike out the word " white " from the present 
clause would not, he insisted, present clearly to the voters 
the full meaning of the proposed change. Mr. Morton, a 
Democrat, insisted that " it was wrong to adopt negro suf- 
frage as a party measure merely to force it upon the South- 
ern States." " Though I have always been a Free-Soil and 
Anti-Slavery man and believed slavery degrading in its 
effects." he declared, 

I cannot now pay the institution such a high compliment as to 
say it has elevated and educated the recent slaves for the in- 
telligent discharge of the right of suffrage and the maintenance 
of good government. I cannot thus unwittingly honor a bar- 
barous institution, even though it may have elevated the negro 
to some extent above the same race in Africa. 

The Democrats had but one-fourth of the membership 
of the convention, however, and after all, the original reso- 
lution of the Committee was adopted in which the word 
" white " was omitted from the qualifications for the 
elective franchise. The resolution for separate submission 
was rejected by a vote of i6 to 50. Thus the more radical 
element of the Republican party succeeded.^ 

The Republicans usually defended the suffrage article 
by pointing to the small negro population in Michigan, 
which they said was 6,799. Of these it was thought that 
971 would number the negro vote. This was entirely too 
low an estimate, as the state census report for 1864 gave 
the negro population as 8,244. and of this some Republicans, 
themselves, placed the vote at 5.000.^ 

^Journal, pp. 767-8; Debates, vol. ii. pp. 7^9. ^99, ioo7- This pro- 
vision was to become Section i, Art. Ill, of the new Constitution. 

* Pamphlet of the Rep. State Central Committee; Adv. and Tribune, 
Mar. 24. 



gjj EARLY RECONSTRUCTION 8l 

The railroad-aid provisions of the new constitution were 
the natural outcome of the controversy between the ex- 
ecutive and the legislature during the session immediately 
preceding the Convention.' Governor Crapo, it has been 
said, had refused to sign a number of aid bills during the 
session of 1867 on the ground that they were unconstitu- 
tional. In order to accomplish their aim, the railroad-aid 
advocates took the next step, which w^as obviously amend- 
ment or revision, and as the people had voted in favor of 
the latter, the convention did thorough work. There was 
certainly an economic and social need for railways in the 
interior and northern portions of the state, as the develop- 
ment of industry was handicapped by the inadequate facili- 
ties for transportation. On the other hand, the distrust of 
corporations which was strong and general, and the lack 
of interest in the southern counties already possessing 
satisfactory advantages combined to put the suggested 
changes into disfavor. Public aid by taxation to railroads 
owned and operated by corporations, was considered too 
dangerous a policy to be countenanced. As the article was 
finally adopted, the legislature was authorized to empower 
any city or township to raise by tax in aid of any railroad 
an amount not exceeding 10 per cent of its assessed valua- 
tion, upon the approval of a majority of the electors. No 
county could be authorized to pledge its credit in aid of a 
railroad save those of the Upper Peninsula.' 

When the work of the convention was completed, the 
provisions touching suffrage, salaries and railroad aid were 
included in the final draft of the revised constitution. The 
prohibition of the sale of intoxicating liquors was em- 

1 Cf. supra, p. 75- 
» Art V of the Constitution. 

Journal, pp. 643-4; Debates, vol. ii ; Mich, as a State, vol. iv, pp 
29-36; pp. 121, 137. 198, 688, 925. 



82 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [82 

bodied in an article that was to be voted upon separately. 
If a majority of electors voted favorably, it was to be in- 
cluded in the constitution, otherwise it would be null. Simi- 
larly the provision for annual in place of biennial sessions 
of the legislature was formulated as an article for separate 
submission. It was with the constitution and these inde- 
pendent articles that the state politicians were occupied dur- 
ing the autumn and winter of 1867 and 1868. The fate of 
the constitution, which assumed a distinctly partisan char- 
acter, was to determine the party status for the time on the 
most important current issues. The Republicans termed 
their opponents the " anti-negro, anti-prohibition, anti- 
salary, and anti-railroad " party, while the Democrats as- 
serted that in the convention every member had endeavored 
to leave his mark, " relying upon the negro to carry him 
safely through all absurdities." ^ The draft was certainly 
more radical than it would have been, had the convention 
not closed before the results in the October states became 
known. Negro suffrage would, in all probability, have been 
made a third separate article in accordance with the advice 
of the Democratic minority. There was some reason for 
the assertion that the document was practically a party plat- 
form, rather than a constitution which could command the 
reasonable support of both parties.^ 

GENERAL ISSUES 

The second great factor in the politics of Michigan — and 
this was common to the other states — was the Congressional 
legislation beginning early in the year 1867. In this ses- 
sion Congress entered upon radical reconstruction with 
popular approval, established a military government in the 
South, and commenced the task of creating a new electorate 

^ Argus, Mar. 13. 

* "Nineteen reasons why the constitution should be rejected," Argus, 
Mar. 27, 1867. 



83] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION 83 

there. The policy of restoring statehood on the basis of 
the old electorate was considered a failure, and in the for- 
mulation of the new policy the Senators from Michigan 
were among the most conspicuous figures. Mr. Howard 
had much more to do in formulating the general plan of 
Congress than did Mr. Chandler ; for the latter devoted his 
first interest to his duties as chairman of the committee 
on rivers and harbors and rarely addressed the Senate at 
length upon a question of policy other than of a fiscal nature. 
When the first step towards a positive assertion of the 
power to regulate suffrage was made by Congress in Janu- 
ary, 1867, and negro suffrage was granted in the District of 
Columbia, a storm of reproach naturally follovv^ed from the 
Democracy of Michigan. They considered it inadvisable at 
this particular time to aggravate race antagonism in any 
way ; moreover, the act as passed, they said, violated the 
preference of a large majority of Northern people. Michi- 
gan could not then officially declare her attitude upon the 
question of impartial suffrage, as the constitution containing 
the provision would not come before the people for ratifi- 
cation until the following spring. However, the Democrats 
of the state repeatedly took occasion to observe that the 
Republicans had radically changed their position since the 
preceding June, when in connection with the Fourteenth 
Amendment they declared that federal regulation of suf- 
frage was not a feature of their policy. It was generally 
believed by the minority in Michigan that the act granting 
negro suffrage in the District of Columbia — though legally 
unassailable in itself— was but the "entering wedge for 
later forcing it upon all the States." In the second place, 
it was asked how Congressmen from states denying negroes 
the right of suffrage could, with consistency, force it upon 
the people of the District. The prevailing interpretation 
given by the Conservative Republicans and Democrats to 



84 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [84 

the act from the first was the desire of the Radicals that the 
negro vote might give their party supremacy in the South/ 

The inevitable effect of the Reconstruction Acts of March 
and July which placed the South under military government 
and provided for the creation of a new electorate, was to 
increase the prejudice of the Democracy against the policy 
of Congress. On the other hand, the dominant party of the 
state was almost a unit in supporting Jacob M. Howard, its 
vigorous leader in the Senate. ^ There were, it is true, a few 
exceptions whose only effect was to excite hostile criticism 
on the part of the regular journals. " We candidly avow 
that we look with distrust upon the policy of some of the 
legislation now before Congress," admitted a Republican 
journalist. " We want more legislation for the people and 
less for Congress and party supremacy."^ However, the 
system of militarism and the federal guarantee of impartial 
suffrage had ceased to be odious to the great mass of Re- 
publicans, * and the very few exceptions to this rule had no 
hearing which could gain them any influence. 

The second branch of Congressional activity which pre- 
ceded and influenced the politics and campaign of 1868 was, 
of course, the impeachment proceedings against President 
Johnson. When the subject was under consideration dur- 
ing the last session of the Thirty-ninth Congress, the Mich- 
igan delegation in the House was divided. The vote on 

* Jackson Cit., Jan. 9; Free Press, Jan. 10; Argus, Jan. 25, 1867. 

* The debates of Senator Howard with Senators Hendricks, Hen- 
derson, Reverdy Johnson and Oliver P. Morton, showing his aggres- 
sive attitude at this time are to be found in the Globe, Jan. 11, 1867, 
p. 407 et seq.; Feb. 2, p. 968; Feb. 15, pp. 1365, i37i : Mar. 15, p. 112 
et seq.; July 10, pp. 549-584. 

' De Lano of the Saginaw Republican, Feb. 6. 

* The above conclusion was gained from numbers of the Daily Post, 
Lansing State Rep., and Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, February to July, 
1867. 



85] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION gc 

Mr. Ashley's Resolution of Impeachment taken January 7, 
1867, showed five names in its favor, while one member re- 
frained from voting.^ On the seventh of the following 
December, Mr. Boutwell's resolution of impeachment re- 
ceived the favorable vote of but one Michigan Representa- 
tive, and the opposition of four.^ The great change in the 
attitude of the delegation was probably due to the incon- 
clusive nature of the mass of testimony against the Presi- 
dent which was submitted by the Committee on the Judic- 
iary in pursuance of the Ashley resolution of the preceding 
January. 

By February of the succeeding year (1868), however, 
the Michigan delegation in the House gave united sup- 
port to the movement, and the vote on Mr. Covode's reso- 
lution, February 24th. reveals all six names among the 
yeas.^ The enthusiasm and conviction with which three 
members supported the resolution are evidenced by the ad- 
dresses prepared by them on the subject. Mr. Beaman 
declared the action of the President in removing Secretary 
Stanton and appointing General Thomas Secretary of War 
ad interim unconstitutional. His basis for this conclusion 
was the power of appointment jointly vested in the Presi- 
dent and the Senate. In the second place, he considered 
the action not only unconstitutional, but corrupt and crimi- 
nal — a charge which would justify impeachment of the 
President for " high crimes and misdemeanors." * 

Austin Blair put forward more extreme views, and ar- 
rived at an astonishing conclusion concerning the relative 

' McPherson, 1867, p. 187-8. Messrs. Beaman, Driggs, Ferry, Trow- 
bridge and Upson voted yea, while Blair did not express himself. 

* Globe, Dec. 7, 1867, p. 68; McPherson, 1867, p. 264-5. Beaman, 
Driggs, Ferry and Upson voted nay, Trowbridge voted yea, while 
Blair, again, did not express himself. Post, Dec. 9. 

' Globe, Feb. 24, 1868, p. 1400; McPherson, 1868, p. 20. 

* Globe, Feb. 22, pp. 176-7; Adv. and Trib., Feb. 24, 



86 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [86 

rights of the President and Congress. " The President of 
the United States is the servant of the people of the United 
States," he asserted, " and because he is the servant of the 
people, he is the servant of Congress, for the time being, 
which represents the people, and he must obey the law." 
Blair urged the successful carrying out of impeachment " in 
the name of peace and public quiet ", and threw all censure 
for the necessity of instituting these proceedings upon the 
President.^ In the choice of managers, Messrs. Blair and 
Upson each received one vote only, and none of the Mich- 
igan members appeared as managers of the trial. They 
thus had no direct part in the proceedings." 

The Senators from Michigan were known to be warmly 
in favor of impeachment from the first, and in various inter- 
views and communications they declared their sympathy 
with Stanton for refusing to resign " on grounds of grave 
public considerations." ^ Mr. Howard was appointed by 
the President of the Senate to the select committee of 
seven to consider and report upon the House Resolution of 
Impeachment. It was in this capacity that Mr. Howard 
exercised a great influence in the formulation of the rules 
of procedure for the impeachment trial. On February 26th 
he presented the report embodying the work of the Com- 
mittee, which was under discussion from February 29th and 
was finally adopted the night of March 2nd.* 

The activity of Howard in the preparation of the Rules 
of Procedure had so broken his health that when the vote 
came to be taken on May 12th. Chandler moved adjourn- 

* Globe, Feb. 22, pp. 1367-8. Mr. Driggs expressed similar views in 
his speech which followed; ibid., pp. 1368-9. 

* Globe, Mar. 2, 1868, pp. 16, 19. 

* Post, Aug. 9, 1867; Adv. and Trib., Aug. 14. 

*■ Globe, Feb. 26, p. 1431 ; Feb. 29, pp. 1515, 1523-4. 1532-3, i577; 
Mar. 2, 1586, 1603. 



87] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION ^y 

ment until the i6th in order that his colleague might be 
present. On the latter day the vote on Article XI was taken, 
and both senators voted " guilty ". This article declared 
that the President had intentionally violated the Ten- 
ure-of-Office Act of March 2, 1867, ^^^d had attempted to 
defeat the execution of the Reconstruction Act of the same 
date.^ On the 26th, Articles II and III were voted upon 
and both names were again among the thirty-five who voted 
guilty.^ 

Among the twenty-nine Senators who filed opinions on 
the case was Jacob M. Howard, and his was a strong proof 
of his legal training and experience. He held the Tenure- 
of-Office Act " fully warranted by the Constitution ", and 
he considered that Secretary Stanton came under its pro- 
visions. " There can be but one conclusion," he said, " he 
[President Johnson] incurred the guilt . . . whether the 
article [Art. XI] be regarded as founded directly upon the 
statute or charging a common law misdemeanor of attempt- 
ing to commit a statutory offence." Howard emphasized 
the point that as appointment requires a concurrence of two 
agencies removal must have the same.^ 

Throughout the impeachment discussion and trial, the 
Democrats accused Congress of " attempting to annihilate 

1 Dunning, Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction, pp. 272-4. 
Globe, Supplement, pp. 41012; Trib. Aim., 1869, pp. 25, 26. The 
former act denied the President the power of removal, even during 
the recess of the Senate, which body must concur in every suspen- 
sion by the President to make it legal and effective. The second act 
established military government throughout the ten Southern states 
by dividing them into five military districts, each to be under the 
command of an officer of no lower rank than a brigadier-general. 

* McPherson, 1868, p. 282. The charges included in Arts. II and III 
were the violation of the Tenure-of-Office Act by the removal of the 
Secretary of War and the appointment of General Thomas without 
the advice and consent of the Senate. 

* Globe, Supplement, pp. 500-6. 



88 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [88 

the President," and the failure to convict was naturally the 
source for much rejoicing. They expressed the hope that 
Congress " might now see fit to recede to its normal posi- 
tion under the Constitution." ' 

On the other hand, the dominant party in Michigan re- 
sponded enthusiastically to the forward steps of the leaders 
of impeachment, but in some cases there was a measure of 
displeasure at the violent methods employed to force the 
conviction of the President. The failure of the undertaking 
was a source of regret to the Republicans, and to a few 
members of the party the conduct of the leaders at the close 
of the trial was still more regretted. One organ urged the 
Republicans " not to be discouraged by its failure as it had 
not reflected any injury upon the party," and then proceeded 
to lecture the organization upon its attempt to force convic- 
tion. It strongly denounced the methods employed by the 
enthusiasts : " We cannot forbear to express our disap- 
proval of the means sought to compel the Senate to find the 
respondent guilty, without regard to evidence. . . . The 
attempt to coerce certain Senators to pronounce the accused 
guilty, whether they believe him so or not, is a sad spectacle, 
and must annihilate the party whom the actors represent " 
The fierce denunciation of Republican members of the court 
who could not conscientiously pronounce the President 
guilty, was declared an " unseemly, ungenerous, and un- 
called-for wrong." ^ 

It cannot be a great error to consider the large majority 
of Republicans in the state as willing followers of their ex- 
treme leaders in Washington with respect to the impeach- 
ment proceedings. In this matter, as in others previously 
noted, the dominant party of the state was visibly led by its 
ultra-radical members in Congress and the Democracy was 
powerless to check this tendency toward extremes.^ 

' Free Press, May 30, 1868. * Jackson Cit., May 19. 

» Post, Feb. 24, May 6, 1868; Adv. and Trib., May 27. 



go] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION 89 

Such were the subjects of political discussion, state and 
federal, which preceded the campaign of 1868. Of the 
former, the new constitution was the greatest issue, and of 
the latter, the Reconstruction Acts of 1867 and the unsuc- 
cessful attempt at impeachment were of the most far-reach- 
ing influence. As the two lines of interest were interrelated 
in the early part of the campaign, they must, to a certain 
degree, be treated together. 

THE SPRING CAMPAIGN OF 1868 

The spring elections were considered of equal importance 
with the fall. "Let us go into the spring campaign on 
local issues — the most important of which is the defeat of 
the new constitution — and let the national issues wait the 
tide of events." ' Such was the feeling in the early part of 
the year 1868. 

The Republican state convention for the year was held 
early enough to make declarations upon the constitution 
before the spring elections should occur, and thus the 
autumn campaign was opened before that of the sprmg 
had closed. By the 21st of February the call was issued for 
the convention to meet on the i8th of the next month. 
This call invited the " co-operation and participation of all 
friends of an economical administration of the public ex- 
penditure, the speedy reorganization of those states whose 
governments were destroyed by the rebellion, and the res- 
toration of their proper relations with the United States." ^ 
This invitation seemed to- have particular significance in the 
light of the Act of Congress of March nth, which author- 
ized the ratification of the constitutions of the states apply- 
ing for readmission by a majority of persons voting, in 

• Argus. Feb. 7, 1868. 

» Adv. and Trib., Feb. 19, 1868. The call was commented upon with 
insinuations by the Democratic press. Argus, Feb. 21; Free Press, 
Feb. 25. 



90 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [90 

place of the previous requirement of a majority of the 
registered voters. This act also authorized the voting for 
state officers and Congressmen at the same election. It 
thus marked a change in the policy of Congress from criti- 
cal deliberation to readier action. 

In the state Republican convention General Grant was 
recommended for President, and Colfax for Vice-Presi- 
dent.^ The impeachment proceedings were approved, and 
impartial suffrage was demanded. The platform contained 
a strong plea for the adoption of the revised state consti- 
tution, and this resolution was the one to which the Repub- 
licans probably attached the greatest importance. It de- 
clared that " the Republicans of Michigan owe it to them- 
selves, to the memory of the framers of the Declaration of 
Independence, and to the interests of free government 
everywhere, to secure by a triumphant majority the rati- 
fication of the proposed constitution, with its broad plat- 
form of equal and exact justice to all men, impartial suf- 
frage and equality before the law." " This constitution," 
it continued, " is far better adapted to develop the resources 
of Michigan, and advance the real interests of the people 
than our present constitution." 

.\s the Democrats held no convention before the spring 
elections, they did not have an equal opportunity to state 
their attitude officially upon the proposed draft, but there 
was no necessity, as the people rejected it by a majority of 

1 Following Austin Blair's speech in the Lower House of Congress 
recommending Grant's candidacy, Edward W. Barber, who was then 
Reading Clerk of the House, — now a resident of Jackson, and the 
editor of the Patriot, — sent a letter to a Michigan journal urging the 
nomination of Grant. Mr. Driggs of the Sixth District read the article 
and showed it to Mr. Washburne of Illinois. The latter approved it 
and immediately went up to the Clerk's desk and assured Mr. Barber 
that he was right. " If the Republicans don't nominate Grant," he 
said, "the Democrats will." 



Qj] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION 91 

38,853 when they came to express themselves April 6th/ 
Prohibition and annual sessions were emphatically voted 
down by those who voted upon those issues. Almost 25,000 
who voted upon the constitution neglected to express them- 
selves upon prohibition, yet from the comparatively small 
anti-prohibition majority it appears that this issue was 
stronger than the constitution itself, and would probably 
have helped it at the polls rather than have caused its de- 
feat. The southern and south-central counties with their 
Democratic leaning naturally manifested the greatest dis- 
approval. In twenty of these, which presented a Radical 
majority of 15,000 in 1866, the returns showed a majority 
of 25,000 in opposition to the constitution.^ 

A comparison of the vote on the adoption of the constitu- 
tion with that on Governor seven months later reveals the 
fact that over 43,000 voters declined to express themselves 
upon the former. This indicates either an indifference or 
an unwillingness of Republicans to approve the work of the 
convention. Rather than vote against it, they preferred not 
to vote at all, as the document was in reality a partisan 
affair made evident by the strict party vote upon the ques- 
tion of its adoption. The strong Republican counties of the 
northwest — among them Antrim, Leelanaw, Grand Tra- 
verse, Manistee and Oceana — returned large majorities in 
its favor. The issue in the southern and south-central coun- 
ties is less evident, as the tendencies of this group were 

1 Mich. Man., 1869, p. 246; Trib. Aim., p. 73; World Aim. ; Ann. Cyc. ; 
McPherson, 1868, p. 353; Mich, as a State, vol. iv, ch. i. The vote 
on the constitution stood 71,729 to 110,582. On prohibition, the af- 
firmative votes numbered 72,462, negatives, 86,143, and the proposed 
annual sessions were defeated by a majority of almost 76,000. The 
Nation, Apr. 23, 1868, p. 322. 

* Free Press, Apr. 8; Argus, Apr. 10; containing editorial comment 
from the Democratic point of view; Adv. and Trib., Apr. 8; Lansing 
State Rep., Apr. 10, presenting Republican reflections upon the out- 
come of the election. 



92 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [92 

Democratic, and from year to year they often changed 
allegiance. At the same time it was to be expected that the 
south portion of the state would possess the largest propor- 
tion of negro population. These counties returned an aver- 
age negative vote of 60 per cent to 80 per cent, and among 
this group were the ten counties with one per cent or over of 
colored population. Whether the rejection of the proposed 
constitution was due, then, to partisan feeling, aversion to 
the negro, or opposition to railroad aid, it is impossible to 
decide.^ 

THE AUTUMN CAMPAIGN OF 1868 

The autumn campaign had already begun with the Re- 
publican state convention which had met early in 1868, 
and vainly urged the adoption of the new constitution.' 
The campaign program was naturally a eulogy of the party 
and ticket, and a bitter invective against the Democrats and 
their anti-war declaration of 1864. In strange inconsistency 
with their invitation issued for the convention, the Repub- 
licans declared against speedy restoration and amnesty.'' 
One of the most widely-circulated campaign tracts was the 
speech of Austin Blair, ^ which appears in the Congressional 
Globe for July 13th. In this address, dealing with the 
" Issues of the Campaign ", he quoted passages from notable 
Democratic speeches, and charged the party with disloyalty. 
He vigorously opposed amnesty and denounced the Green- 

1 The World Almanac for 1869 strangely lists the votes upon the 
constitution as if they were cast exclusively upon the question of 
negro suffrage. This was certainly the most important issue in the 
proposed constitution, bu^ cannot be considered identical with it. 
Precisely what proportion of the negative votes were cast purposely 
against the suffrage provision, it is impossible to ascertain. 

2 Cf. supra, pp. 89, 90. 

^ Post, Apr. 22; Lansing State Rep., May 13, 1868. 

* Blair's speech, which presented the Republican point of view in a 
typical fashion, may be found in the Globe, Appx., pp. 414-18; Pol. 
Pamphlets, vol. i, Jenison Coll. 



g-^] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION g^ 

back policy with which the Democracy had become identi- 
fied. He declared that '' but for the unparalleled treachery 
of Johnson, reconstruction would have been completed long 
since," and he closed with a eulogy of Grant and Colfax. 
Upon the choice for President there seemed entire agree- 
ment in the state. -\11 the delegates to the national conven- 
tion cast their votes for Grant from the first to the last 
ballot. The state ticket was headed by Henry P. Baldwin 
for Governor, a milder partisan than his two predecessors 
had been, and the other names were not among the most 
prominent Republicans of the state.^ 

Turning now to the consideration of the Democracv, we 
find that there was an inclination on the part of some of the 
members to favor the early date of March 4th for the state 
convention. Others urged the same objections which ap- 
peared two years before against premature state resolutions. 
They declared that " the true policy for a minority party 
is to wait for its opponents to make their platform ... in 
order that it may act understandingly and attack vulnerable 
points." Besides, a campaign of three months was prefer- 
able to one of eight, for the latter would be too tiresome for 
the candidates, and financially too destructive without cor- 
responding gains. A call was finally issued for the conven- 
tion to meet in Detroit, May 27th. The platform declared 
that 

the difference between American Democracy and Federacy is 
as radical and as eternal as the laws of the mind, and as long 
as men segregate by affinity into political organizations, so 
long the Democratic policy will, and the Republican will not, 
harmonize with our form of government; and the adherents 
of the latter can never establish such harmony until they 
change their natures or the form of our government. The 

^ Ann. Cyc, p. 5CX); Adv. and Trib., Mar. ic;: Lansing State Rep., 
Mar. 20. 



94 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [94 

first is impossible, the last is revolution. . . . Revolution is 
the logical tendency and (if not resisted) the necessary re- 
sult of Republicanism to which its leaders consciously, and 
the people unconsciously, are rapidly advancing.^ 

The platform contained a long rehearsal of the features 
of Republican absolutism, and condemned emphatically the 
tendencies toward centralization. It was " the firm, united 
purpose " of the Democracy " to restore the union of the 
states, keep the federal government and each of its depart- 
ments within its proper sphere, and cause it to respect the 
reserved rights of the states and the people." It demanded 
the abolition of all bank and tariff monopolies, the Freed- 
men's Bureau, and all standing armies in time of peace 
Extravagance and corruption must be checked and economy 
practiced. One of the most significant provisions was in 
part well disguised by the phraseology — that of leniency 
toward the rebels. " All men should be held innocent until 
proven guilty, crime should be punished according to law, 
and equal justice be done to all men, irrespective of color or 
race." The aim of the Democracy was declared to be " to 
keep this country as our fathers made it, a white man's gov- 
ernment." Immigration, it was demanded, should be en- 
couraged and the public domain retained for the people 
rather than given up to speculating corporations. 

The platform declared for the " preservation of the public 
credit," and the taxation of government bonds. It promised 
that the party, if successful, would see that " all public debts 
shall be honorably paid," and that " the bonds of the federal 
government issued after the greenbacks were made legal 
tender shall be paid in the currency of the country except 
where otherwise expressly provided by law or stipulated 
in the bond." This evidence of a willingness to counten- 
ance the greenback movement was sufficient to fasten upon 

1 Ann. Cyc, p. 494; Free Press, May 28. June 2; Argus, May 29. 



95] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION gc 

the Democracy more than the RepubHcan party the reproach 
and disadvantage of soft-money sympathies. The Repub- 
Hcans declared that this plank favored " the twin-brother of 
repudiation — the payment of the bonds in greenbacks." 

The currency issue was more important from the point 
of view of the Democracy than of the Republicans. It 
was, however, very prominent in the campaign speeches of 
both parties, and the demand for the payment of the govern- 
ment debt — especially of the five-twenties — ^in greenbacks 
in preference to gold, naturally placed the former organiza- 
tion in the position of a soft-money party. Its members 
were accused of demanding the issue of an immense addi- 
tional volume of greenbacks which would be followed by 
the depreciation of the currency.^ Their creed with refer- 
ence to this issue was thus set forth by them : 

The Democrats have always advocated hard money in pre- 
ference to soft, and opposed the old National Bank with its 
note issue. It opposed the Legal Tender Act of 1862, and 
pronounced it unconstitutional especially in the case of con- 
tracts made prior to its passage. The party favors the earliest 
possible withdrawal of the greenback currency and return to 
specie payments, but it believes that as long as greenbacks are 
to remain currency of the country and a legal tender, they 
should be kept in circulation and general use.^ 

The Democrats were persistent in their protest against being 
considered repudiators and inflationists, for " the payment 
of obligations in greenbacks where gold is not promised is 
not repudiation." They did not intend, it was declared, to 
increase paper to the amount of the bonds in question, but 
they expected by rigid economy in administration to pay the 

^ Speech of Chandler in Battle Creek, Aug. 24, Battle Creek Journal. 
Aug. 26. The speech of Charles L. May in Ann Arbor, Sept. 21, 
Argus, Sept. 25. 

' Argus, Aug. 21 ; also Oct. 2, " Facts about money." 



96 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [96 

debt out of the surplus revenue in greenbacks or at a green- 
back standard. If payments in gold were exacted, immense 
premiums would necessarily be paid, as there never was 
at one time over $250,000,000 in gold coin, and this would 
be entirely inadequate. With the greenback policy, the tax- 
payer would be saved the premium, and the government 
need only keep its legal tenders moving, by paying them out 
in bonds and receiving them for taxes to pay its debt. 
Such were the arguments of the Democratic party, and the 
financial evils of a Radical victory were vividly outlined.^ 

In the national democratic convention, Michigan was 
represented by well-known Union Democrats, some of 
whom worked with the Johnson party in 1866.^ Before 
the convention, the preference of Michigan for the presi- 
dency was not definite, and Pendleton, Reverdy Johnson, 
Hendricks and Seymour all had followers. On the first 
four ballots, Michigan voted for Johnson, and from that to 
the twenty-first, the delegates cast their votes for Hendricks. 
When the twenty-second ballot was being taken, Mr. Stuart 
made a short speech in which he declared that Michigan's 
sole hope was to nominate a candidate whose election was 
certain. The votes were then cast in favor of Seymour.' 

* " The payment of the debt in gold will cause $7,000,000,000 of 
added debt — which will be fastened upon the country as a permanent 
institution, and every fifteen years the interest alone will amount to 
the principal. Money will become scarce as bondholders will desire 
to have greenbacks called in, in order that they can receive their pay 
in gold. Prices v/ill fall, employment will be more poorly remunerated, 
and taxes will be higher and the times harder for all but the bankers 
and the bond-holders." Argus, Oct. 23. 

* Five delegates at large and two alternates were appointed to the 
national convention. Michigan was represented on the committee of 
credentials by Byron G. Stout, on the committee of organization by 
Charles E. Stuart, and on the committee on. resolutions by John 
Moore. The first was one who supported Johnson two years before. 

* Official Proceedings of the Nat. Dem. Com:, 1868; Free Press, July 
7, 9; Argus, July 10, 17. 



97] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION gy 

The state Democratic convention of July 15th was held 
to nominate state officers and presidential electors. It 
pledged its support to the Detroit and New York platforms, 
and denounced the extravagances in the state administra- 
tion. This resolution was directed against the expensive 
improvement policies, the practice of appointing commis- 
sions to carry out the same, and the railroad-aid legisla- 
tion which had remained a leading state issue after the 
failure of the proposed constitution. The fear that the 
favorite schemes of the Republicans rejected with the con- 
stitution might be brought forward gave grounds for the 
declaration against the " attempted changes in the organic 
law." extravagance and negro suffrage, and the interfer- 
ence in municipal affairs with reference to the taxation of 
cities and towns for corporation aid.^ 

THE ELECTION OF 1868 

The spring elections and the vote upon the constitution 
had made the Radicals less certain of success than usual. 
Doubtful counties of the south and central portions were 
showing an increased allegiance to the Democrats, and 
campaign arrangements were focused upon the lower three 
Congressional Districts.^ The arrangements of the Re- 
publicans for their campaign were very detailed and ef- 
fective. Speakers of note were engaged for addresses, 
and among them were Colfax and Wade.^ 

The results of the election revealed a slight gain in the 

1 For the convention of July 15, Free Press, July 15, 16. Comment 
in the New York World, July 24, T. L., vol. Ixxviii p. 206, col. 4. 

2 Chandler himself was not so confident as usual. On August 27 he 
wrote from Detroit to his colleague, Sen. Howard, in Washington : 
" the Copperheads are at work in earnest, and have some hopes of 
carrying at least two or three Congressional Districts. I think you 
should come here at the earliest possible moment." Howard MSS. 

' Post, Sept. 9 ; Jackson Cit., Oct. 27 ; Lansing State Rep., Nov. 3. 



^8 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [98 

Republican following since the last presidential campaign. 
Lincoln received 55.89 per cent of the popular vote, 
whereas Grant was given 56.98 per cent.^ The guberna- 
torial vote was remarkably similar to the presidential, the 
latter being only 300 larger than the former. In 1866, the 
Republicans polled 58.83 per cent of the total vote for gov- 
ernor, at this election, only 56.8 per cent. Apparently there 
was a contrary tendency within the state to that of the 
federal ticket, and this was due undoubtedly to the per- 
sonality of Grant. The six Congressmen elected were all 
Republicans. In the sixth district Strickland was elected, 
who two years later was to lead the opposition in the name 
of reform against Driggs, his predecessor in the House. 
The joint majority of the dominant party in the state 
legislature was reduced from 94 in 1866 to 66. There 
were 27 Republicans and 5 Democrats in the Senate, while 
the proportion in the House was 72 to 28.^ 

Apparently neither party made startling inroads upon 
the reliable territory of the other and it was merely the 
customary shifting of allegiance with small majorities in 
the more evenly balanced counties that determined the re- 
sults of 1868. Two of the northern counties, Keweenaw 
and Ontonagon, changed from Republican to Democratic 
by a small margin, and five of seven counties of the north- 
ern peninsula were thus Democratic. Emmet and Che- 
boygan regularly followed their neighbors on the north. 
In the three southern tiers of counties, Livingston and 
Wayne remained Democratic by small majorities and 
Washtenaw made its third successive change, giving its 
majority to the Democracy. 

> Grant received 128,550, Seymour, 97,069, the Republican majority 
thus approximating 31,000. In the gubernatorial contest, Baldwin re- 
ceived 128,051, Moore, 97,290. Mich. Man., 1869, pp. 229-30, 235-2 ; 
Mich. Aim., 1869, pp. 34-44- 

' Mich. Man., 1869, pp. 231-3; Trih. Aim., p. 73. 



pp] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION gg 

The elections of 1866 and 1868 showed the Radical ele- 
ment supreme, but from this time forward its influence 
waned. In the former year the state showed its preference 
for radical reconstruction, and in 1868 it approved what 
had been done. In the two next years, however, a tide of 
reaction and reform would send one Democrat to Congress 
and alter considerably the balance in the state legislature. 
In 1872, the actual state of opposition was obscured by the 
political catastrophe which overwhelmed the Democracy 
of Michigan as that of other states. From that year, 
however, the Democratic party with its various allies was 
a growing power, and the Republicans were no longer ab- 
solute. 

THE SENATORIAL CONTEST OF 1868-9, AND THE TRIUMPH 
OF CHANDLER 

The Senatorial campaign was notable as the conflict 
between two of the most prominent Republicans in Mich- 
igan, Ex-Governor Blair and Senator Chandler. They 
held very similar party principles at this time, but en- 
tirely conflicting ambitions. The former had aspired to 
a seat in the Senate since 1857, and was an avowed can- 
didate in 1863 ^rid 1865. On account of the strong fol- 
lowing of each in the state, a compromise was planned by 
their mutual friends ^ in 1868. The attempted arrangement 
provided for the retirement of Austin Blair from the pres- 
ent contest with the assurance by Chandler that he would 
not give any support to any other candidate at the next 
election. Several of Blair's wisest supporters urged his 
acceptance of the plan, and this would certainly have been 
the prudent thing to do. When he visited the state, how- 
ever, during the early part of the senatorial campaign, his 

1 James A. Walters of Kalamazoo, Fred Morley and George Jerome 
of Detroit. 



lOO THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [loo 

more moderate advisers were unfortunately absent, and 
rash counsel persuaded the Ex- Governor to reject the ar- 
rangement and enter the contest for nomination against 
Chandler.^ 

The opposition to Chandler was considered hopeful by 
the Democrats, who suggested the coalition of the anti- 
Chandlerites with the Democrats for the election of Ex- 
Governor Crapo to the Senate." The name proposed was 
a poor one, considering the violent hostility that Crapo 
had always shown toward the Democracy. This sugges- 
tion was a forecast, however, of the actual event six years 
later. There were charges of bribery brought against 
Chandler from various sources, and the personal influence 
of Michigan residents in Washington was largely thrown 
against him.^ Stanton, who naturally supported him, wrote 
that " Chandler's re-election would be a vindication of the 
judgment of Congress, of Mr. Lincoln, and the conduct of 
the war." * 

The Republican legislative caucus was held Wednesday 
evening, January 6, 1869, and the votes stood Chandler 78, 

' Mich. Coll., vol. XXXV ; " Mich. Men in Congress," Edward W. 
Barber. Among the friends of Blair who regretted his continued 
rivalry with Chandler, was Amos Root, and he was absent at the time 
of Blair's visit to Michigan. Mr. Edward W. Barber related the above 
account in an interview which serves to amplify the mention of the 
aflfair given m the biographies of Mr. Blair. Mr. H. H. Bingham 
wrote to Howard, Nov. 17, 1868: "Several of Governor Blair's friends 
had a conference with him last night, and were of the opinion that 
he had better v/ithdraw as a candidate for Senator this winter and 
wait for the next vacancy when he would be more likely to succeed. 
T am told this was finally agreed upon." Howard MSS. If this 
action was ever taken, it was rescinded. 

* Flint Dem., Dec. 7. 

* Some unfriendly discrimination had been manifested toward them 
at a social function of the Chandlers. Argus, Jan. 8, 1869. 

* Letter of Dec. 22, 1868; Comment in the New York Herald, Jan. 
10, 1869, T. L., vol. Ixxxii, p. 53, col. 4. 



lOi] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION iqi 

Thomas W. Ferry 3, Austin Blair 3, and 7 scattering on 
five other names. ^ It was stated by an observer who "went 
to Lansing in the interest of the anti-Chandlerites, that 
the doubtful votes or members were very soon disposed 
of by the unprecedented pressure of Chandler's lobby." ^ 
Another observer who was a loyal Chandlerite wrote to 
Howard that 

the opposition to Mr. Chandler never had any strength. . . . 
This ends Blair's prospects in that direction forever, and his 
friends say he will not be brought forward again. Blair was 
on hand, but Ferry was more discreet and remained at home. 
On learning of the situation, his friends early withdrew his 
name. Blair's withdrawal was without terms or conditions 
of any kind, and so was Ferry's. This contest demonstrates 
the weakness of the locality argument more satisfactorily than 
ever. No one urged it or cared for it, but Mr. Chandler was 
renominated " because the Legislature thought he had done 
good service, and was the best man for the place." . . . They 
tried to influence some members of the Legislature against 
Chandler, by claiming that his nomination would prejudice 
your chance two years hence, but it was ridiculed on all sides 
as without any force. 

The writer closed reassuringly : " You need have no fear 
of your success unless the Republican party is defeated on 
all sides."' 

• Of these, Isaac P. Christiancy and William A. Howard each re- 
ceived one. Five Republicans were absent. Argus, Jan. 8, 1869; Post 
and Tribune Life of Chandler, p. 298. 

2 Letter of Allen Potter of Kalamazoo, Jan. 12, to Howard, who 
he " thought would be interested, having in view his own election two 
years hence." Howard MSS. 

' Letter of A. B. Maynard of Detroit, to Howard, Jan. 9, Howard 
MSS. He also had been in Lansing and closely observed the caucus 
preliminaries. As a friend of Howard, he was anxious to give him 
all information which would be helpful in 1871. 



I02 THE POLITICS OP MICHIGAN [102 

At the election of January 19th, Chandler was re-elected 
over Sanford M. Green, the Democratic candidate, by a 
vote of three-fourths of the legislature.^ The Democratic 
candidate vuas a jurist of note throughout the state, and 
though he was not such a strong party favorite as the 
Democrats should have placed in opposition to Chandler, 
still their most prominent man would undoubtedly have 
lost to Chandler this year. 

PREPARATIONS FOR THE CONTEST OF 1 87 1 

The election of 1871 was already in the mind of every 
politician, and Mr. Howard was being coached by his 
friends with a view to his renomination. One friend hinted 
at the importance of appointments throughout the state, 
and advised him to " hold close to Chandler." " The con- 
test this fall," he assured Howard, " has accomplished one 
result in your favor. It has substantially united your 
friends and Chandler's." ^ He then alluded to the inef- 
fectiveness of the locality argument with the legislature 
and the great majority of the Republican press, and assured 
him that " the Republicans will never refuse you two full 
terms in the Senate when they have given your colleague 
three." 

The strength of the opposition to Howard was probably 
greater than his friends thought. There was little personal 
criticism and his activity throughout Reconstruction and 
his speeches on suffrage, amnesty and civil rights became 
campaign documents. Yet there was a desire for a vacancy 
in the Senate, which would allow a man from another sec- 

' Chandler received 24 votes in the Senate, 70 in the House; Green, 
4 votes in the Senate, 26 in the House, Mich. Man., i86g, pp. 263-4; 
Lansing State Rep., Jan. 20; Post, Jan. 21. 23; Sen. lour, and House 
Jour.. 1869. 

* Letter of A. B. Maynard, Jan. 14, 1869, Howard MSS. 



103] EARLY RECONSTRUCTION 103 

tion to come forward, and this feeling was stronger than 
any personal hostility toward Howard. If his seat could 
be vacated by his promotion rather than his defeat, it 
would be entirely satisfactory. It was with this motive 
that the name of Jacob M. Howard was mentioned early 
in February for the Vice-Presidency, and Sumner's com- 
pliment was repeated — that he was the ablest man in the 
United States Senate.^ The suggestion was not widely 
taken up, and the probabilities are that some safe though 
complimentary disposition of the Detroit Senator was de- 
sired by an up-state faction, who knew Chandler's strength 
and probability of re-election. In such a manner, some 
aspirant from another locality could be accommodated 
without waiting for so improbable an occurrence as 
Chandler's defeat. This desire to have central and north- 
ern Michigan represented in the Senate cannot be cen- 
sured, though it appears from the Globe that Mr. Chandler 
was taking good care of the industrial and economic inter- 
ests of the entire state. 

A movement full of interest was started for Howard's 
appointment to a cabinet position. In November he was 
urged by several influential friends to avail himself of a 
place in the cabinet — the Secretaryship of the Interior 
being "probably preferred."^ The means to this end 
were well worked out by Justice Christiancy, a friend of 
Howard, who expected no gain and was undoubtedly sin- 
cere.* He expressed a willingness to sign recommenda- 
tions for Howard, contrary to the newly-adopted prac- 

* This remark was made by Charles Sumner in an address at Lansing. 
The recommendation was given by the Lansing State Rep., Feb. 3, and 
commented upon by the Argus, Feb. 5, 1868. 

' S. D. Bingham to Howard, Nov. 28, 1868. Mr. Bingham was editor 
of the Lanshig State Rep. Howard MSS. 

* Letter of Jan. 15, 1869, from Monroe, Howard MSS. 



I04 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [104 

tice of the State Supreme Court. The method proposed in 
this letter was " to get a resolution through the Legislature 
to the effect that ' Michigan is entitled to a Cabinet office ' 
— mentioning no names, and relying upon a petition with a 
long list of Republican signatures." There is probable 
evidence of Ex-Governor Blair's continued ambitions, in 
the care and thoroughness with which he canvassed signa- 
tures for the petition.^ 

At this time it is evident that both Christiancy and Blair 
were on very friendly terms with Howard, whether or no 
there was a partisan motive for it. Christiancy expressed 
the hope that Howard would feel free to repose the deepest 
confidence in him concerning the political aspects of the 
latter 's re-election, and it is not to be doubted that he was 
entirely honest in his friendly offices. There is no proof 
that Ex-Governor Blair was insincere at this time and he 
certainly was not hostile. In the light, however, of his 
avowed candidacy two years later and his well-known am- 
bitions for the senatorship, it is only probable that he had 
hopes of succeeding to the vacancy. The opposition on 
ground of locality seemed auspicious for him. The schemes 
for Howard's promotion generally originated in the office 
of the influential Lansing State Republican, and a resident 
of Jackson would have reason to consider himself far 
enough removed from Detroit to satisfy the requirements 
of eligibility from the central west. 

1 Mr. J. M. Cravath informed Howard of the friendly offices of 
Ex-Governor Blair, who " would not permit his friends to do any- 
thing for him, but threw his influence actively in his (Howard's) favor. 



CHAPTER IV 
Forward Movement of the Democracy in Michigan 

ratification and interpretation of the fifteenth 
amendment 

The years 1869 and 1870 saw the ratification of the 
Fifteenth Amendment and the culmination of the suffrage 
agitation in Michigan by amendment of the state consti- 
tution. The railroad question which bad received some 
previous attention — entirely non-partisan — became the 
strongest of local issues and affected the development of 
the conflict two years hence. Fiscal questions were promi- 
nent and received the consideration of both parties, but this 
was not yet the period of their greatest importance. A 
reform movement, though not strong, arose this year in 
connection with a Representative in Congress, and was to 
attain greater prominence within the next two years. This 
was obviously a period of the passing of former issues and 
the introduction of new. 

The political field in the early part of 1869 was occupied 
by the suffrage discussion and the struggle over the ratifi- 
cation of the federal amendment. The Democrats opposed 
the consideration of the amendment by the legislature, and 
seized upon a point of order which they hoped would 
strengthen their plea of inexpediency and unconstitutional- 
ity. The state constitution provided that no new bill 
should be introduced into the legislature after the first 
fifty days of the session had expired, and as this period 
105] ^°5 



I06 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [io6 

had elapsed, it was urged that the ratification, if given, 
would be void.^ It was said too, that the existing legislature 
could not properly take action upon this question : for that 
body had not been elected with reference to it, and was 
not therefore capable of expressing the will of the people, 
who had one year before rejected a constitution involving 
the same issue. These considerations were merely second- 
ary to the fear of consolidation of power in the general 
government, and its encroachment upon the rights of the 
states in reference to suffrage. The House ratified by a 
vote of 68 to 24, four Republicans and as many Democrats 
being absent. The resolution was immediately sent to the 
Senate, where it was adopted without debate by a vote of 
25 to 5, only two Republicans being absent.^ The fact of 
ratification made it desirable — though not constitutionally 
necessary — for the state to grant negro suffrage in con- 
formity to the federal precedent. Accordingly, an amend- 
ment to strike out the word " white " from the suffrage 
clause was passed by the legislature, to be submitted to the 
people for ratification at the fall election of the next year.^ 
In April of this year, 1869, occurred the election of 

' Sec. 28, Art. IV. This objection was easily disposed of by the 
Speaker when he construed the fifty-day limit to apply only to bills 
and such resolutions as require the signature of the Governor in 
order to become laws. This joint resolution of ratification, he in- 
sisted, did not come within the classes enumerated by the constitution 
and could therefore be introduced. To justify this ruling, however, 
strict construction must be resorted to. Sec. 14, Art. XIV, did not 
provide for the submission of joint resolutions to the governor, and 
as the measure in question belonged to this class, the limit of time 
during which it might be introduced did not apply. This is based upon 
the understanding that the aim of Sec. 28, Art. IV, was to give the 
governor sufficient time for consideration and signature. 

* Acts, 1869, vol. i, p. 391. Joint Res., no. 9: Globe, Mar. 26, 1869, 
p. 289. 

^ Acts. 1869; Mich. Man., 1869. pp. 298-303. 



I07] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY 107 

Justice of the State Supreme Court and of Regents of the 
University. This was not, however, indicative of the rela- 
tive party status in Michigan for several reasons. At these 
elections of the odd years, when the party antecedents of 
the candidates are less important than their personality, 
and party gains are comparatively of little consequence, 
there is the maximum degree of abstention. Out of a 
voting population of probably 250,000, the votes cast for 
Justice of the Supreme Court at this election did not ex- 
ceed 150,591.^ Furthermore, the personal element is for- 
tunately of far greater weight than in other elections, and 
the fact that the Republican candidates received on an aver- 
age three-fifths of the entire vote cannot be said, in itself, 
to indicate any precise party tendency. 

In the spring election of 1870 there were several novel 
features with regard to the electorate. Negroes exer- 
cised the right of suffrage throughout the state. Their 
right to do so was questioned, but it was defended by the 
Republicans on the ground that after the ratification of 
the Fifteenth Amendment, it was unnecessary to wait for 
the adoption of the state amendment. Colored citizens 
were generally registered on Saturday, April 2nd. of this 
year, and regularly voted on the next Monday.^ The last 
two amendments to the federal constitution were also 
claimed by a certain faction to enfranchise women. A 
strong movement for woman suffrage had been in prog- 
ress for some time. It was not strange, then, that some 
advantage was taken of the extremely confused condition 

' The Mich. Man. of 1875 gives a voting population of 268,756 for 
1870, and 250,000 is certainly not an overestimate for that of 1869. 
Thomas M. Cooley received 90,705, and O. Darwin Hughes, 59,886. 
McPherson, 1869, p. 506; Mich. Man., 1871. In the district judicial 
elections, six out of sixteen judges chosen were Democrats. 

* In Ann Arbor there were 64, in Battle Creek, 200, and Ypsilanti, 
52. Jackson Cit., Apr. 4; Argus, Apr. 8. 



Io8 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [io8 

of suffrage ideas ; for it was evident that the precise effect 
of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments was not 
clear in the minds of many. Two instances of women 
voting were reported at the time/ and it was expected by 
many that by the next election they would be positively en- 
franchised. 

THE RAILROAD AID ISSUE 

In the regular campaign of 1870. railroad aid was the 
strongest state issue, yet it constituted only a part of the 
general movement of the period. It grew out of legisla- 
tion passed at the regular session of 1869. The General 
Railroad Aid Law, passed early in the session, authorized 
towns and cities, and in some cases counties, to loan their 
credit to railroad corporations and to levy taxes to aid them 
either by donation or subscription to stock, first submitting 
the question of proposed aid to a vote of the people.^ 
Under this act a very large amount of aid was voted to 
projected roads by various municipalities, of which a large 
portion was represented by bonds in deposit in the office 
of the State Treasurer awaiting the performance of pre- 
cedent conditions specified in the notes. In May of 1870, 
the matter was brought before the Supreme Court of the 
State for adjudication, and the decision was rendered, 
three of the four justices agreeing, that all this aid was 
unconstitutional and void on the fundamental principle 
that taxation, to be valid, must be levied for a public pur- 
pose. To tax a community for the benefit of a private 
corporation which proposed to construct a railroad, was 
not a power of the legislature. The public might be 

' Mrs. N. B. Gardner of the 19th ward, Detroit, and one Mary 
Wilson in Battle Creek. Adv. and Tribune, Apr. 6; Argus, Apr. 7. 

* Acts, i86g, vol. i, pp. 89-95, no. 45: Mich. Aim., 1870, pp. 58-60; 
Ann. Cyc, p. 500. 



lOo] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY 109 

incidentally benefited, but " incidental benefits to spring 
from private undertakings — and these enterprises were 
considered such — could not be urged as giving them the 
character of a public object to which unwilling parties 
could be compelled to contribute." ^ 

This decision destroyed over $7,000,000 worth of aid, 
and bonds to the amount of over $1,200,000 had already 
passed into the hands of bona-fide holders. There were 
various opinions as to the advisability of calling an extra 
session to meet the emergency, and " to reconstruct the 
Supreme Court." Inasmuch as the comment immediately 
after the rendering of this decision was non-partisan in 
character, and approval and dissent both came from each 
party, the railroad problem cannot yet be considered a real 
issue." It was a question, however, which could easily 

1 The people ex rel. the Detroit and Howell Railroad Co. 71s. The 
Township Board of Salem, 20 Mich., pp. 452-522. By legislation of 
1864, the towns on the line of a railroad projected between Detroit 
and Howell were authorized to raise money by tax or loan to aid in 
its construction. The electors of the township of Salem, Washtenaw 
County, voted such aid. but the township board refused to issue the 
bonds. Suit was brought by the people against the board, and a 
mandamus applied for in the interests of the company. Justices 
Campbell. Cooley and Christiancy supported the decision, Justice 
Graves dissented. Mich. Aim., 1871, p. 75- Ann. Cyc. 500; Argus. 
June 3, 1870. Hemans, op. cit., pp. 222-3. 

« The Jackson Citizen. Republican, May 3. 1870. favored an extra 
session, and the " reconstruction of the Supreme Court." The Ypsilanti 
Sentinel, extremely Democrat, and the Kalamazoo Republican charged 
Justice Cooley with implication in a scheme to injure the Air Line, one 
of the roads to receive benefits. These accusations were not proven. 
and they never had any weight. The Free Press, Dem., and the radi- 
cal Post both endorsed the decision but favored the extra session. 
The Monroe Monitor. Dem., the Grand Rapids Democrat, and the 
Grand Rapids Eagle, Rep., all commended the decision and declared 
against an extra session. The Hillsdale Standard, Rep., regretted the 
decision, and also the Marshall Expounder, Dem.. which objected how- 
ever to legislative action on the grounds that less confidence was to 



no THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [no 

become a vital issue as soon as sentiment crystallized and 
partisan opinion took opposite sides. The sentiment in 
favor of immediate legislative action prevailed, and on 
June 8th Governor Baldwin called an extra session to meet 
the 27th of the next month. The result was the passage of 
a resolution submitting to the people a constitutional 
amendment with three sections to be voted upon at the gen- 
eral election. November 8th. ^ The first section authorized 
the legislature to regulate passenger and freight charges 
on railroads, and prohibited discrimination. The second 
prohibited the consolidation of parallel or competing lines, 
while the third permitted the people of the various munici- 
palities to vote the payment of their indebtedness should 
they so desire, but in no case was the state to become 
liable for any portion of such bonds. The first two sections 
w^ere thus restrictive in character, while the tendency of 
the third was favorable to railroads. Such, then, was the 
state of the problem when the conventions met in the fall 
of the year. 

THE CAMPAIGN OF iS/O 

The Democrats held their convention before the Repub- 
licans. This was very unusual as it had been customary to 

be reposed in the legislature than in the Supreme Court. Prominent 
lawyers throughout the state took sides in the case and freely declared 
their opinions for and against it. This summary of the press views 
was gathered from editorial comments during May and the first two 
weeks in June. 

^ Acts, Extra session of 1870, pp. 13-15, Joint Res., no. i, approved 
Aug. 10; Mich. Aim., 1870, p. 26; 1871, p. 75; World Aim., 1871, pp. 
69, 70; Adv. and Trib., and Free Press, Aug. 11 ; Argus, Aug. 12. The 
resolution was agreed to in the House by a vote of 67 to 28, and 
passed the Senate 23 to 4. The division was on party lines and it was 
evident that the Democrats were united against the measure, while 
the Republicans refused to express themselves. This proposed amend- 
ment, if adopted, was to become " Art. XTX, .\, of Railroads." 



Ill] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY i j j 

allow the majority party to nominate their candidates and 
announce their issues first. The Democracy met in Detroit. 
Wednesday, August 31st, and arraigned the Radicals for 
" misuse of power." Their platform dealt mainly with 
fiscal issues. It declared the protective tariff " a sys- 
tem of plunder whereby labor is compelled to pay tribute to 
capital," and " tariff for revenue only, all that is warranted 
by justice and the federal constitution." The system of 
national banks was denounced as "a monopoly which bene- 
fitted certain persons " and which required modification to 
make its privilege free to all. The platform demanded that 
public debt should be paid " strictly in accordance with its 
terms," and while it conceded that " specie or its equiva- 
lent is the only sound money," it favored a return to specie 
payments " no sooner than can be done consistently with 
laws of trade and interests of the great debtor class." 

The principal state issue was, however, the railroad ques- 
tion. Almost three months had passed since the rendering 
of the decision in the Salem case. Comment, friendly and 
hostile, had at first been non-partisan. Within this inter- 
vening period, however, the court's definition of taxation 
had become widely known and discussed, and it was gen- 
erally inferred that the benefits accruing to a railroad cor- 
poration were essentially of a private nature. Further- 
more, the fact that the Republicans had formed the con- 
trolling majority in the legislature which passed the Rail- 
road-Aid Law early in 1869, gave the Democrats sufficient 
grounds for strongly opposing the entire policy of aid to 
railroad corporations. They defended the court's position 
in the Salem case, and declared that " taxation of citizens 
for private purposes without their consent was a violation 
of the fundamental principles of justice." The ticket, 
headed by Charles C. Comstock for Governor, was an un- 
usually strong one which was liable to call out a generous 



112 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [ i i ^ 

following, and which the Republicans could not attack on 
personal grounds.^ 

The Republican state convention also met in Detroit on 
the following day, September ist, nominated Henry P. 
Baldwin for Governor to head the state ticket, and made 
some changes in the organization of the state central com- 
mittee. Since the organization of the party, the chairman 
of the committee had resided in Detroit, which therefore 
became the political centre of the party. Lansing was 
henceforth to become the centre, and Detroit was given 
but one member in the state central committee. An ob- 
vious result of having a Lansing chairmanship occupied by 
S. D. Bingham, editor of the Lansing State Republican, 
and leader of the movement for central western supremacy, 
was thus a decline in the power of the Detroit faction. 
Another change which was favored by a large number was 
the reduction and concentration of the membership of the 
committee. " A few good men should be chosen from 
localities which are not so widely separated that a quorum 
is almost impossible," declared an important organ; the 
committee was not a representative body as intended^ for 
there were members who lived eight hundred miles apart 
and found it impossible to attend the conferences. 

The convention framed resolutions which included the 
usual amount of recrimination against the Democracy and 
congratulated the national administration upon the reduc- 
tion of the national debt. It also rejoiced that the state 
administration had reduced the state bonded indebtedness 
by $1,500,000, notwithstanding a decrease in the taxes of 
$485,000 since 1867. '^ 

1 Argus, Sept. 2, 1870. 

' The Republicans were supported in their declarations concerning 
state finances by the statistics of the period. It was true that the 
bonded indebtedness had fallen from $3,979,921.25 in Nov. 30. 1866, 



113] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY 113 

The tariff resolution was so ambiguous that there was 
good reason to credit the statement of the Advertiser and 
Tribune that it was made so purposely. " The policy of 
revenue is part of the history of the government," it de- 
clared, " and has received the sanction in some form of 
every party." It further observed that " as the war has 
made larger revenues necessary, they should be so adjusted 
as to be least prejudicial to the individual producing inter- 
ests of every class and section, securing the home producer 
a fair competition against foreign producers." This reso- 
lution was certainly non-committal and there was a potent 
reason for its vague character. The Democrats repeatedly 
asserted — and the Republicans never successfully dis- 
proved the statement — that a considerable proportion of 
the Republican party of the state was made up of Demo- 
crats who had bolted on the slavery-extension issue alone. 
The seceders insisted, however, that it was rather the party 
that had forsaken them, and they distinctly declared their 
agreement with the Democrats on all other subjects, es- 
pecially free trade.' It was estimated by Democratic 
organs that there were no less than 3,000 of this element, 
and their number was at least great enough to impress upon 

to $2,385,028.49 in 1870, while direct taxes were reduced from $880,- 
739.30 in 1867 to $395,264.97 in 1870. In the former year the rate of 
assessment was 2.859 mills on the dollar, in 1870, 1.283 mills. Ad- 
dress of Rep. State Central Committee, signed by S. D. Bingham; 
Mich. Aim., 1871, pp. 62-63; Mich. Man., 1873, pp. 336, 350, 351; 1875, 
p. 316; Adv. and Trib., Sept. 2, 3. 

' There were proofs of the existence of this faction within the 
Republican party, but it was not generally influential at this time. 
Argus, Mar. 25, Sept. 23. The "Appeal by Free Trade Republicans," 
a card in the Free Press. Nov. 2, signed by N. B. Eldridge, declared 
that " the old party lines are breaking up " and that " only two party 
issues exist at the present, — removal of all political disabilities from 
the southern states, and free trade." The Adv. and Trib., July i, de- 
clared against protective tariff and the general policy of Chandler. 



1 14 I'fif' rOUTICS OF MICHIGAN | 1,4 

the Republican convention the necessity for a neutral reso- 
lution. 

The Republican party was not a unit upon another issue 
— that of aid to railroad corporations. The division was 
most evident in the choice of Congressional candidates, and 
the greatest interest was centered in the third and sixth 
districts. The Republicans were awake to the growing 
disfavor towards corporations and the fear of luonopolies. 
and there were evidences of hostility towards .\iislin Blair 
on the ground that he had warmly supported in the I louse 
measures friendly to these interests. Before the nominat- 
ing convention of the Third Congressional Pistrict in 
Jackson, he defended the action oi Congress and of himself 
on the public land grant bills, and declared that the policy 
had been begun by the Democrats in 1857. The Demo- 
crats claimed to see in \ arious comments of the Republican 
press a personal warning to Blair against the support of 
such measures. It was true that both parties had declared 
against the land-grant policy to railroads, and the Post in- 
sisted that " the platforms express the will o\ the people of 
the West, and they mean exactly what they say."' ' \ustin 
Blair described his own attitude in the matter in his 
speeches before the state Republican convention, and the 
Congressional convention o\ the third ilistrict. 

1 do not expect to vote for many, if for any. measures for 
land grants to railroads. Certainly an indiscriminate granting 
of public lands for railroad iinrposcs will not get my support. 
As a rule T design to oppose tbem, but there are cases in which 
they are required by sound policy. They ought to be of na- 
tional atid not merely local importance to secure Congres- 
sional aid.^ 

' Post. Sept. 13. 

' Speech of Aup. 30. reported in Jackson Daily Cit.. Sept. s. 1870; 
favorable coninient in tlie Adr: and Trib., Sept. 1. 



11^] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY 115 

There was some uncertainty as to the advisability of 
naming him for re-election to the lower house of Con- 
gress, but the opposition did not prevail against his re- 
nomination. Some of his friends feared that it might 
prejudice his chances for the Senatorship, while others 
urged that no risk should be taken of his missing both 
House and Senate. In this way the Congressional election 
in the third district was connected with the approaching 
Senatorial campaign, and preferences were already being 
discussed and plans laid. With reference merely to Blair's 
return to the lower house, a large number of important 
journals in the lower portion of the state supported him/* 
It is probable that the political feud between Mr. Blair and 
William A. Howard was responsible for much of the agi- 
tation against the former. 

This hostility was due to Senatorial rivalry which was 
to make opponents of the two Howards at the same time 
It had been usual in the past for William A. Howard to 
support Senator Jacob M. Howard, but the former had 
ambitions of his own which occasioned mutual unfriendli- 
ness. The two Howards were not related, but both had 
emigrated from Vermont while young, and become promi- 
nent politicians and office-holders in the same party. Both 
had been residents of Detroit until shortly before this time 
when William A. Howard removed to Grand Rapids. The 
organs favorable to Blair openly insinuated that this step 
had been taken with the sole motive of becoming an eligible 
for the vSenatorship, as it was generally expected that the 
central and western portion of the state would rlemand the 

' Among these were the Jackson Cit., Battle Creek Journal, Cold- 
water Rep., Saginaw Daily Enterprise, Marshall Statesman and 
Ypsilanti Commercial, all of which contained much editorial comment 
during August and September. " It would be a great mistake if 
Blair should be sacrificed to local prejudices and corrupt combina- 
tions outside of his district," Ypsilanti Com., Aug. 20, 1870. 



Il6 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [ii6 

choice in 1871. As Thomas VV. Ferry was a resident of 
Grand Haven, his location was good, but his qualifications 
were considered unsatisfactory by a considerable number 
who looked upon him as a weak candidate. Next to the 
Senator himself, then, Austin Blair was considered the 
most probable candidate, and it was naturally the desire 
of the third aspirant, William A. Howard, to put a danger- 
ous rival at a serious disadvantage. None of the charges 
of implication in land frauds was proven against Blair and 
his position was not seriously impaired by the alleged fav- 
oritism tow^ard corporations. 

In 1870 Blair appeared a perfectly orthodox Republican, 
supporting the sufifrage, protective tariff and railway 
policies of the party. In his speeches of August and Sep- 
tember he enthusiastically indorsed President Grant and 
declared " a universal prosperity testifies to his ability and 
fidelity." " Let the people sustain him," he urged, " and 
they will not be disappointed. No charge has been brought 
against him that deserves an answer. ... In the approach- 
ing elections we must look for some changes, but I do not 
anticipate any serious defections from the party of the ad- 
ministration." ' 

Disaffection in the sixth district was more troublesome 
than that in the third. The basis of the situation in the 
sixth was the alleged corruption of the candidate. In the 
face of serious charges, the incumbent, John A. Driggs, 
won the renomination, and the Democrats saw an excellent 
opportunity for gain. The Saginaw Valley district had 
always shown considerable Democratic sympathy, and a 
wise nomination they saw could possibly give Michigan 
one Democratic Congressman. A convention of Repub- 
licans at St. John's openly repudiated their candidate, 

1 Jackson Cit., Sept. 5. 



liyj FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY ny 

against whom they brought three distinct charges/ and 
declared in favor of Judge Jabez G. Sutherland, the Demo- 
cratic candidate. The Saginaw Valley Nezvs, a Repub- 
lican organ, opposed Driggs and threw its influence for 
Sutherland, supported by a number of prominent Repub- 
licans of the vicinity.^ The repudiation of a candidate by 
a faction of the Republican party and the strength of the 
Democrats certainly gave the party in power grave cause 
for apprehension. 

In this campaign, the competition for the German vote 
was unusually active, and its relation to the Prohibition 
movement made the matter somewhat complicated. The 
Republicans in their convention declared their sympathy 
for the Germans in the struggle against the French Em- 
peror, and while this seemed entirely irrelevant in a party 
platform, it had an underlying purpose. The ostensible 
cause for this declaration was the friendly attitude of the 
Germans during the Rebellion, in comparison with the 
policy of the French, but the resolution was addressed to 
the 64,000 German voters of the state. The Democrats, on 
their side, placed a German upon their state ticket, and 

' He was accused of appointing a non-resident of his district to 
West Point, for a valuable consideration, of receiving $5000 for his 
services in procuring for private parties the passage of the bill frau- 
dulently disposing of an Indian Reservation, and finally of offering 
by his agents sums of money to several delegates as bribes to induce 
them to vote for his nomination. The Clinton County Republican 
and the Saginazv Republican both preferred a reform candidate, but 
refused to repudiate Driggs after his nomination. Argus, Sept. 16. 
John F. Driggs vtas a member of the 39th and 40th Congresses, and 
Randolph Strickland succeeded him to the 41st. The latter did not 
appear as a candidate for re-election and it was remarked that it was 
a rare instance of a Congressman being dropped by the Republican 
party after one term. Strickland led the opposition against Driggs, 
and it was widely believed this activity was responsible for the un- 
popularity of the former. Adv. and Trib., Sept. 16, 1870. 

' Letter from Ray City to the Free Press, Sept. 10. 



Il8 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [nS 

further strove to win whatever German following they 
could by declaring formally against Prohibition.^ The 
Prohibition or Temperance party — for the terms were as 
yet politicially synonymous — made nominations for gov- 
ernor and for Congress, the latter in the first five districts. 
Though it was not strong, it caused considerable appre- 
hension on the part of the two regular organizations, and 
they both lost some members to it. They could not, how- 
ever, favor Prohibition or tacitly approve it without alien- 
ating the German vote. Both believed the Temperance 
movement merely the temporary outcome of the somewhat 
disordered state of politics, and preferred to allow it to 
go its own way, rather than endanger themselves and lose 
the reliable German vote, by making concessions. 

The election of 1870 was not so important for the tickets 
put forward as for the policies involved. In 1868, the 
revised constitution had been rejected, and it was obvious 
in 1870 that the Republicans sought to effect by amend- 
ment of the state constitution what they had failed to ac- 
complish by revision two years before. In addition to the 
suffrage and railroad amendments there were two other 
issues which came before the people through proposed 
amendments to the constitution — internal improvements 
and salaries. The enthusiasm for internal improvement 
occasioned the demand for increased powers of supervisors 
over repair and improvement of public buildings, highways 
and bridges. Accordingly an amendment was submitted 
to the people by the legislature allowing $2,000 to be bor- 
rowed or raised by tax in each township for those pur- 
poses.^ In the second place the salaries question had been 
a cause of sharp partisan recrimination since the constitu- 

' Compilation of Census Statistics for Mich., 1870. p. xlvi, table 13, 
German born population, 64,143. Jackson Cit., Oct. 4; Argus, Oct. 21. 
» Mich. Aim., 1871, pp. 69, 70. World Aim., 1871, pp. 82, 83. 



11^] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY uq 

tion of 1867 was proposed. In the session of 1869 the 
legislature adopted a resolution recommending an amend- 
ment increasing the salaries of state officials, which was 
submitted at the same time with those on the other three 
subjects.^ 

THE RESULTS OF THE ELECTION 

The election of 1870 marked the beginning of the Re- 
form movement which attained a tremendous importance 
four years later. Henry P. Baldwin was re-elected Gov- 
ernor by a plurality of 16.785, and received 53.8 per cent 
of the vote. The other members on the ticket received sim- 
ilar votes, never exceeding 19,000. The Temperance can- 
didate for governor received comparatively little support, 
with less than 2 per cent of the vote.^ A comparison of 
the gubernatorial vote for the last three elections discloses 
a real decline of Republican strength since 1866. The vote 
fell from 58.8 per cent to 56.8 per cent two years later, and 
finally to 53.8 per cent in 1870. The character of the state 
legislature remained practically unchanged, and the oppo- 
sition was still limited to one-fifth of the membership. 

The gains of the opposition were more apparent in the 
triumph of Sutherland over Driggs in the sixth district 
by a majority as large as that which most of the Republican 
candidates on the state ticket had received.^ The fact that 

* Salary of Governor from $1000 to $2500, Justices of the Circuit 
Courts, $1500 to $2000, State Treasurer, Auditor Gen., Superintendent 
of Public Instruction, $1000 to $2000, Sec. of State, Attorney Gen., 
Commissioner of state land offices, $800 to $2000. Mich. Man., 1869, 
pp. 302-3. 

* Mich. Man., 1871, p. 82; Mich. Aim., 1871, pp. 129, 130; Ann. Cyc, 
1868, pp. 492-9, 1870, p. 500; Trib. Aim., 1871, pp. 62, 63. Baldwin re- 
ceived 100,176, Comstock 83,391, and Henry Fish, the Temperance 
candidate, 2,710. 

^ Mich. Aim., p. 83; Mich. Man., p. 232; Saginaw Enterprise, Sept 
27, 1870; Argus, Sept. 30, Nov. 11. The vote stood 16,618 for Suther- 
land, 14,879 for Driggs. 



120 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [120 

two years before the Republicans were sustained by a 
majority of over 3,000 in that district indicates that they 
had suffered a loss of almost 5,000. The other five districts 
elected Republicans to Congress with smaller majorities. 
In the third, Austin Blair won by a vote of 15,236 to 
13,768, a smaller plurality than that of either of his two 
preceding elections. He barely won in Jackson, his home 
county, with a vote of 3,365 to 3,353, when his majority in 
1868 had been 250. To this extent had the opposition 
against him been effective. The Democrats were naturally 
strong in the first district with the city of Detroit, and 
here the Republican candidate won by a plurality of 901. 
The closest vote was cast in the fifth, where Omar D. 
Conger was successful by the margin of 189.^ 

The vote on the amendments was examined perhaps 
more eagerly than that on the candidates. The suffrage 
amendment was ratified by a closer vote than was polled 
on any of the other articles — 54,105 against 50,098. The 
salary amendment was rejected by a vote of 68,912 to 
36,109 which often crossed party lines, as many Repub- 
licans evidently supported the negative." The amendment 
increasing the powers of supervisors failed of ratification 
by a smaller majority. In regard to the railroad question, 
the first two sections, which were distinctly restrictive in 
their nature, were adopted, while the last one, validating 
previous aid, was rejected by almost the reverse vote.^ 

The majority opinion on the railroad question was thus 

' Post, Nov. 9. 10. 

* Thirty-six out of sixty- four counties rejected the salary amendment. 

* Mich. Aim., 1870, p. 58; 1871, pp. 75, 82, 83; Mich. Man., 1871; 
Adv. and Trib., Nov. 9. 

Section i Yes 78,602 No 51, 397- 

" 76,912 " 51,194- 

" 50,078 " 78,453- 



121 ] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY 121 

clearly indicated — legislative restriction, and absolute re- 
pudiation of all promised aid. The natural result was 
great discouragement to many incipient schemes of rail- 
road building, and there was reason to believe that this was 
what many counties desired/ The railway and salary 
amendments received warmest support in the north, and 
the strongest opposition with reference to the former was 
found in Washington, Wayne, Berrien and Cass counties. 
The railroad issue thus received a rebuff in the very locali- 
ties which were most directly concerned. A change had 
come in the popular mind which contrasted strangely with 
the enthusiasm which prevailed less than a year before. 
Just what occasioned this change of attitude is not clear, 
but there is a probability that the decision of the Supreme 
Court presented the matter in a light which appealed at 
once to the people. The vote of the legislature upon the 
proposed amendment at the extra session disclosed a party 
division, and the state of popular opinion manifested by 
personal comment pointed in the same direction. It was 
in all probability the abstract principle of taxation of the 
public for private gains, as set forth clearly in the decision, 
which crystalized sentiment and caused the revulsion 
against the Republican administration. The lines were 
well laid for the next campaign, when the element of re- 
form would be introduced into the present issue by the 
opposition. 

It would be interesting to ascertain the relation of the 
vote on the suffrage amendment to the proportion of negro 
population in each county. This is practically impossible, 
however, as the southern counties where the largest percent 

'Among the lines injured were the Grand Rapids and Indiana; 
Detroit, Hillsdale and Indiana; Michigan Air Line from Jackson to 
Niles ; Fort Wayne, Jackson and Saginaw ; Kalamazoo and South 
Haven ; Chicago and Michigan Lake Shore. 



122 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [122 

of negro population naturally existed, were strongest in 
Democratic tendencies. Of the ten counties having one 
per cent or over of color, six voted in favor of suffrage.^ 
Oakland, Washtenaw and Wayne voted for suffrage by 
large majorities, and Van Buren, Kalamazoo and Calhoun 
with stronger opposition. Bay, Saginaw, Genesee, Ingham, 
Macomb, and St. Joseph possessed not more than one-third 
of one per cent of negro population and they ratified the 
amendment.^ It thus seems improbable that the presence 
of negroes influenced the vote in any important degree, as 
there was only one per cent of color in the state as a whole, 
and Cass County, with its exceptional eight per cent, 
showed a close vote on the suffrage question. Democratic 
affiliations were much stronger in determining the results 
than presence of color, since the twelve counties which re- 
jected suffrage lay to the south and southeast, and had 
consistently shown Democratic preferences. 

As a final generalization, it may be noted that eleven 
counties went Democratic, of which four were northern, 
and seven were south and southeastern.^ The counties of 
the four lower tiers gave rather large votes to the Temper- 
ance ticket, the highest point reached being approximately 
five per cent of the vote for Governor. The unexpected had 
occurred in favor of the Democrats in the Sixth Congres- 
sional District, and in favor of the Republicans in some 
of the southern counties, where negro suffrage was sus- 
tained, contrary to party antecedents or the vote on the 

' Allegan, Jackson, Oakland, each 1%; Berrien 1.4%; Calhoun 1.5%; 
Kalamazoo 1.6%; Van Buren 1.8%; Wayne 2.2%; Washtenaw 2.6%; 
Cass 8%. 

* Mich. Aim., 1871, p. 81; Census of 1870: Total population in 1870, 
1,184,059, Colored 11,849, Whites 1,167,282. 

* Marquette, Keweenaw, Emmet and Ontonagon ; Jackson, Livings- 
ton. Macomb, Monroe, Oakland, Washtenaw, Wayne. Mich. Aim., 
pp. 69-72, 82, 83. 



123] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY 123 

party ticket. Wayne County, the centre of the Democracy 
of the state, naturally elected the entire Democratic ticket 
but at the same time it gave a strong majority in favor of 
negro suffrage. Jackson went almost entirely Democratic 
on the local ticket and voted with the Republicans on the 
suffrage issue. These apparently contradictory facts can 
be accounted for on two grounds. In the first place, it 
was true that in several counties the few affirmative votes 
were all that were cast. For instance, the suffrage and 
salary amendments commanded the vote of only 56 per 
cent of those who voted for governor and the railroad 
amendment received only 69 per cent. Probably the more 
immediate reason for these results was the crossing of 
party lines on the suffrage issue. This was a natural out- 
come of the general belief that the Fifteenth Amendment 
had already enfranchised the negro within the state, not- 
withstanding Sec. I, of Art. VII, of the state constitution. 
The state amendment was a mere formality which might 
best be willingly complied with so that the controversy 
could be settled in a consistent manner.^ 

THE SENATORIAL ELECTION 

As w^e have seen, a strong opposition to the re-election 
of Senator Jacob M. Howard developed early in 1869, and 
several names were mentioned as possibilities for the suc- 
cession. Among them were Austin Blair, Thomas W. 
Ferry, two members of Congress, and William A. Howard. 
The last named received an appointment to China — much 
to his regret — and he declined in order to be able to help 
turn the tide against Jacob M. Howard. By the autumn 

' The following papers for the several weeks following election con- 
tain the most important material for this summary; Post, Adv. and 
Trih., Argus, Jackson Cit., Lansing State Rep., Niles Rep., Kal. 
Gazette, Grand Rapids Daily Eagle. 



124 ^'^^ POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [124 

of 1870, the lines of opposition were more clearly drawn. 
There was a declared need for a change in the office; the 
locality feeling demanded satisfaction, and furthermore, 
Howard was charged with supporting the land-grant 
policy. It was a strange incident for Republicans, even of 
the conservative class, to assail their Senator for his sup- 
port of the policy which they had fostered and defended 
from 1865 to 1869. It is probable that much of the oppo- 
sition to Howard came from the same source as that to 
Blair, and with the same motives. It was also plainly 
stated that he was a " much less useful Senator in attend- 
ing to the wants and requests of his constituency than 
Chandler." " So far as any results of his public services 
have been reflected upon our state, Mr. Howard might as 
well have hailed from California." This was the opinion 
of a strong faction in the south and west-central portion 
of the state. In Detroit the verdict was different though 
not contradictory. " In his ability to grapple with large 
public questions and in his range of information. Senator 
Howard has well sustained himself, and conferred honor 
upon the state." It was only a matter of considering his 
local or his federal activity of the greater importance. 

Blair had been an active Radical in the House, but his 
chances were injured by the " Fish letter " of February 28, 
1869. This was written by Austin Blair himself from 
Washington, D. C, to George W. Fish of Flint, collector 
of internal revenue of the sixth district. It was ob- 
viously confidential and the recipient inadvertently left it 
in his desk where it was found by his successor. The 
letter gained publicity, partly through the activity of Mr. 
Strickland, who was at that time also hostile towards the 
dominant Republican faction, and believed that its publicity 
would aid Blair and injure Howard. In this letter, written 
shortly after the senatorial election of 1869, Blair ex- 



125] PORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY 125 

pressed himself in part as follows: " There was nothing in 
the senatorial contest to give one great confidence in politi- 
cal affairs. It furnished more evidence of the inconstancy 
of politicians and of how little timber it really takes to 
make a great man of." In speaking of Howard, he de- 
clared him to be " the right bower of all the corrupt rings 
here." Of Ferry, he unfortunately added, " there is not 
enough of him to make a man apprehensive," a phrase 
which, in the light of the outcome of the approaching con- 
test, was somewhat amusing. The entire group of Repub- 
lican possibilities Blair termed "a lot of corrupt scoundrels" 
who " will keep no agreements except such as put money 
into their pockets." " You say, what are we coming to? 
This is a question I have revolved a good deal in my own 
mind, and cannot find a very satisfactory answer, but I 
think there is but one remedy, and that is defeat. When- 
ever the people learn the truth, they will apply the whole- 
some corrective." With reference to the appointment of 
office-seekers, Blair closed by saying : " It is a comfort 
that the rascals will have to disappoint a good many any- 
way." ' 

Nothing could express more clearly than this letter 
Blair's bitter disappointment at his repeated failures to 
realize his own ambition. Probably some of his closest 
friends believed in 1869 that he would permanently give 
up the struggle for the Senate, but the contest of 1871 was 
certainly uppermost in his mind. At first he was appar- 
ently friendly with Howard, but the publication of this 
letter at once made them avowed enemies. Blair refused 
to retract a single word and declared " he would make 
no apology for writing the letter, he would ask no mercy, 
and would not even admit it to be an imprudence." In 

' Aygus, Jan. 13. 1871. 



126 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [126 

reply to this unfavorable characterization, Howard pub- 
lished a letter in which he declared the accusation " totally 
and unqualifiedly false," and termed the author, among 
other epithets, " a deliberate slanderer — unworthy of the 
association and respect of gentlemen." ^ 

This estrangement of two of the foremost leaders of the 
Republican party and the reciprocal accusations that natur- 
ally resulted were probably of great importance in decid- 
ing the result unfavorably to both. There was apparently 
no great amount of truth in either charge of corruption, 
as both Blair and Howard were considered honest, and still 
are held in that reputation. Blair was supported by an 
immense number of influential journals throughout the 
state — no less than forty — and was considered favorably 
by the western faction. There was also a visible division 
in the allegiance of the Michigan delegation in Congress 
upon the question of candidacy. A Democratic observer 
stated that Blair's best and only friend there was Driggs 
of the sixth district, who was deserted, he said, by all 
Republicans save Blair." Beaman had his own candidacy 
in view, Ferry decidedly objected to William A. Howard 
of his own district, Stoughton and Strickland favored the 
selection of Jacob M. Howard, and Chandler very definitely 
preferred him or any man who could defeat Blair. It was 
said that Chandler advised his friends, " in case the con- 
test is a close one, throw over all four candidates and bring 
out Judge Withey." The prospects appeared to Washing- 
ton observers favorable to Jacob Howard, and he was cer- 
tain of his re-election. 

The personal hostility of the leaders was a dangerous 

^ Adv. and Trib., Feb. i, 1871 ; Argus, Feb. 3. 

* Washington correspondent of the Free Press, Dec. 27, 1870. The 
list of journals favorable to Blair is given, with excerpts, in the 
Jackson Cit., Dec. 13, 1870. 



J27] FORWARD MOVEMENT OF THE DEMOCRACY 127 

condition for a party against whom the opposition was 
visibly gaining ground. It was observed by Republican 
organs within the state that if the " proscription of Repub- 
licans on account of their personal preferences does not 
cease, the Republicans have elected their last Senator." ^ 

At the Republican legislative caucus six ballots were 
necessary before a majority was obtained. Ferry and 
Blair both received 30 on the first ballot; on the second, 
fourth and fifth Blair led, but on the sixth and final Ferry 
was chosen. Neither of the Howards showed a large fol- 
lowing, and Blair, who was stronger now than ever before, 
again lost out by only a small margin.^ The success of 
Ferry was due largely to his position on the tariff ques- 
tion.* He was the guard of the Michigan lumbering inter- 
ests and had exceedingly strong support in the northern 
part of the state. 

The Democratic caucus on the second ballot gave unani- 
mous preference to H. N. Walker of the Detroit Free 
Press. Two other prominent Democrats had each received 
five votes in the first ballot, Benjamin G. Stout and Henry 
Chamberlain." The election was held Wednesday. Janu- 
ary 1 8th. Ferry received 24 votes in the Senate, 70 in the 
House, while Walker was given 5 in the Senate, and 29 in 

1 Adv. and Trib., Dec. 29, 1870. 

2 Lansing State Rep., Jan. 4, 1871 : Argus, Jan. 6. The following 
table will show the votes of the several ballots. 

123456 

Ferry 30 31 37 37 4i 50 

Blair 30 32 35 40 43 43 

J. Howard 20 16 16 15 9 4 

Wm. Howard.. 17 10 9 5 4 — 



* Globe, May 24, 1870, Appx., pp. 370-3. 

* Lansing State Rep., Jan. 11; Argus, Jan. 13. 



128 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [128 

the House. Three Republican Senators were absent, and 
one Representative.^ 

The election was shortly followed by the death of Jacob 
M. Howard, Sunday, April 2nd. and one of the radical 
leaders of the old type thus disappeared from politics. The 
new Senator, whose usefulness was to lie in the field of 
parliamentary tactics and finance, had enjoyed ample politi- 
cal training. He was a delegate-at-large to the National 
Republican Convention of i860, and was one of its vice- 
presidents. In 1864 he was elected Representative to the 
Thirty-ninth Congress, and re-elected to the succeeding 
three Congresses. It was during the last that he resigned 
his seat to accept the Senatorship. He was chairman of 
the Committee on Revision of Rules, and on the death of 
Vice-President Wilson, he served as acting Vice-President 
until March 4, 1877. Up to this time, his popularity was 
due mainly to his excellent parliamentary abilities which 
he repeatedly had occasion to exercise. In his purely legis- 
lative activities in Congress, he confined himself entirely to 
financial interests and was soon to become prominent as 
one leader of the soft-money party. 

Contemporary with the passing of Howard and the elec- 
tion of Ferry, it happened that a new series of issues pre- 
sented themselves, and the problems of constitutional re- 
construction and the enfranchisement of the negro were 
relegated to the background. Accordingly, the questions 
immediately connected with the war gave way to the de- 
mands of the Reform, the Granger, and the Greenback 
movements. 

* Post, Adv. and Trib., Jan. 19, 1871 ; Lansing State Rep., Jan. 20; 
Argus, Jan. 20, 27. 



CHAPTER V 

The Campaign of 1872, and the Complete Failure of 
THE Liberal Movement in Michigan 

PRELIMINARY POLITICS 

The attitude of the Democracy of Michigan at the be- 
ginning of 1 87 1 was clear from the resolutions adopted in 
State Convention, February 21st. 

While we denounce partisanship in judicial offices — yet the 
Democrats ought to elect justices sympathetic with Democratic 
ideas of limitation of power. The class legislation of the Re- 
publican party, by which immense private fortunes are being 
consolidated in the hands of the few to the detriment of the 
many, the public domain wasted, monopolies created, and sec- 
tions of the country fostered at the expense of the greater 
portion of the nation, deserves the reprehension of all advo- 
cates of equal rights for all men. 

The platform demanded the removal from citizens of all 
political disabilities incurred by reason of their conduct in 
the war. It declared its purpose of reforming the abuses 
and corruptions introduced into the public service by the 
Republican party. The employment of troops of the 
United States to influence elections was denounced as in- 
imical to free government.^ 

Two days later the Republicans convened and issued the 
declaration that 

as the Republican party proved a good party in time of war 
— so it has proved a good party in time of peace, reconstruct- 

* Free Press, Kal. Gazette, Feb. 22, 1871 ; Argus, Feb. 24. 
129] 129 



130 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [130 

ing rebellious states in the interest of freedom, maintaining 
inviolate the public faith, establishing equality of all men 
before the law, and establishing the government in such a 
manner as best to promote the general good. 

They indulged in praise of Grant's administration, with 
special reference to the reduction of taxation and the na- 
tional debt.^ The result of the annual election of Justice 
of the Supreme Court was the victory of the able and ex- 
perienced Republican candidate, James V. Campbell, by a 
plurality of 18,500. A Temperance candidate, Albert 
Williams, was in the field, and received the small support 
of 1719.^ 

In March, 1871, the attention of the legislature was 
again directed to the amendment of the constitution in sev- 
eral important respects. A joint resolution was passed 
recommending an amendment providing for the payment 
by the counties, townships and municipalities of all bonds 
and other obligations heretofore issued or negotiated. The 
question of payment was first to be submitted to the 
electors, of whom a majority was required to sanction the 
meeting of the indebtedness.^ 

Other amendments looked to limiting the number of 
judicial circuits and to the increase of the salary of circuit 
judges from $1,500 to $2,500.'' There was strong agita- 

' Post, Adv. and Trib., Feb. 24, 1871 ; Lansing State Rep., Mar. i. 
McPherson, 1871, p. 139. 

2 O. Darwin Hughes, the Democratic nominee who had run the pre- 
vious election also, received 74,740. The Regents of the University 
received practically the same vote. Ann. Cyc, 1871, p. 510-515; Mich. 
Aim., 1872. 

» Acts, 1871, p. 398, April 15, 1871 ; S. Jour., Mar. 23, 1871, pp. 1202-5 ; 
H. Jour., pp. 240-3. This section was to be added as Sec. 3, Art. XIX, 
A, of Railroads. 

* H. Jour., Mar. 15, vol. ii, pp. 1413-4. S. Jour., pp. 1 184-5. Acts, 
1871, vol. i, pp. 404-6, no. 36. 



131] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT 13 j 

tion in favor of the last, as it was felt that any good lawyer 
could earn in private practice more than the salary of a 
circuit judge. An increase would therefore tend to secure 
better talent than was possible under the old rate of remun- 
eration. The railroad amendment was practically the same 
as had been rejected at the fall election of 1870, and the 
chances were against it now. 

Bad feeling was engendered early in 1872 by the re- 
apportionment of the Congressional districts within the 
state. As Michigan had now become entitled to nine Repre- 
sentatives in place of six, some rearrangement was neces- 
sary. The act of reapportionment was considered by the 
Democrats a " device for burying the Democratic counties 
under an extra load of Republican majorities," and though 
.such an attitude was to be expected from a minority party, 
there were evidences of truth in the assertion. The meas- 
ure was opposed by six Republicans in the Senate and six- 
teen in the House, with the vote standing 19 to 11 in the 
former, and 50 to 40 in the latter. The opposition was 
strong and its passage in the House was exceedingly close. ^ 

During this session of the legislature, there was an oc- 
currence which clearly explains the demand this year for 
morality in politics, with special reference to state admin- 
istration. A petition signed by a number of residents of 
Lansing was presented to the House requesting investiga- 
tion of the conduct of Charles A. Edmonds, the Commis- 
sioner of the State Land Office. The select committee to 
which this was referred reported serious charges against 
the conduct and administration of the incumbent and sev- 

' Acts, 1872, Extra Session, pp. 74-5, no. 44. The population of the 
state was 1,184,638 by the census of 1870, and the district average was 
131,626. By the new apportionment, they ranged from 92,843 to 163,074. 
Only two Democrats supported the bill as finally agreed upon by the 
conference committee, one for the purpose of moving a recon- 
sideration. 



132 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [132 

eral of his clerks. Impeachment proceedings were begun 
and the managers presented eleven articles embodying 
charges of corrupt administration and gross immorality. 
On May 24th after a hearing of twenty-four days the 
Senate failed to convict him on any of the eleven articles. 
Though he was declared acquitted of all charges, it was 
generally conceded that the testimony was so damaging 
that he ought in all decency to resign.^ It was urged by 
Edmonds' friends that the petition for investigation grew 
out of the animosity of a resident of Lansing who was a 
discharged deputy of the commissioner. Whatever may 
have been the personal element involved, enough evidence 
was taken to afford sufficient grounds for a demand of 
reform. 

THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT IN MICHIGAN IN 1872 

The liberal movement in Michigan was led by Austin 
Blair, whose abandonment of former party allegiance 
brought down upon him a storm of bitter denunciation. It 
is indeed strange to see an orthodox Republican leader 
from i860 to 1868 become the first adherent of the liberal 
movement in Michigan. There were early indications of 
his dissatisfaction with the party, and rumors of a schism 
were started in March, immediately upon the announcement 
of his resolution in Congress calling for investigation of the 
charges against Secretary Robeson. The break was in evi- 
dence April 9th, when he delivered the oration at a public 
ceremonial in Detroit.^ On this occasion he expressed strong 
opposition to centralization of the government, and asked 
that amnesty be granted to the ex-rebels.^ The motive for 

' Mich, as a State, iv, pp. 69-73; Adv. and Trib., May 25, 1872. 

2 The unveiling of the monument to the soldiers and sailors of 
Michigan in the Civil War. 
' The Regulars denounced him as a deserter and " confidence poli- 



J 33] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT 133 

his action was promptly asserted by the "Regulars" to be the 
promise of the Democratic nomination for governor, and 
the Senatorial succession to Chandler. It would be difficult 
to say precisely how much truth, if any, there was in this 
statement. It was true that he did receive the nomination 
for governor, and possibly he would have been chosen to 
succeed Chandler had not the Liberals been so thoroughly 
defeated in the fall elections. Possibly the desire to avenge 
past defeats at the hands of his party caused him to see 
more clearly its defects. Neither of these reasons, how- 
ever, is necessary to account for his change of allegiance, 
for he had once before changed as radically, when there 
were no past disappointments to stimulate him, and no 
greater opportunities open by the change. 

He was unquestionably a man of strong convictions, and 
his independence of thought prevented him from being a 
successful politician. He was repeatedly called upon in the 
course of the campaign to defend his change of allegiance, 
and this he did on the grounds that party principles are of 
far greater consequence than party success. The old war 
questions, he urged, were succeeded by new issues, the lead- 
ing one being reform, and this the Republicans were un- 
willing to concede. " I am compelled to say that this 
administration as a whole is simply damnable," ' he de- 
clared, and throughout the campaign he insisted that it was 

tician along with Schurz, Trumbull, Greeley and the Blairs." His 
oration was called a "stump speech ... in favor of exploded states 
rights theories of the Democratic party", and his plea for universal 
amnesty for rebels, an "insult to fallen heroes." Post, Apr. 10. 
For comment, Argus, Apr. 19, 26. 

1 In his speech at the Greeley-Brown ratification meeting held July 
10 in Jackson, he referred at length to his earlier history and defended 
his abandonment of the Whig party in 1848, as well as his recent 
change. Free Press, July 11; Argus, July 12. The home paper of 
Blair, the lackson Citizen, refused to join in slandering him, but 
declined to follow him out of the party. 



134 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [134 

executive misconduct and federal mal-administration that 
drove him from his party. 

There are some grounds, however, for the suspicion that 
the ill-concealed disaffection in the Republican party which 
drew along with it unpleasant accusations against Blair's 
motives in Congress, was a cause of deeper significance 
than was generally conceded at the time. It is a question 
if some of the Republican leaders, finding dissensions im- 
minent on several issues, did not seek to relieve the party 
of all blame by attributing the fault to some individual 
whom they could chastise before their constituents. If this 
was the truth, it was but natural that Blair should be the 
victim, as the men most influential in the party at that time 
were not those who would be expected to call themselves his 
friends. Chandler had emerged victorious from the Sen- 
atorial contest with Blair the year before, and the Howards 
were obviotisly his Senatorial rivals the coming campaign. 

The Liberal movement did not from the first receive 
strong support in Michigan. It was true that Austin Blair, 
on his return to Washington from a visit to his constitu- 
ency, declared the anti-Grant feeling in the south portion 
of the state very general among Republicans. He found 
the people " hostile to the reckless extravagance of the ad- 
ministration, and clamoring for a change." ^ But in his 
enthusiasm he was perhaps inclined to overrate its im- 
portance, for there are indications that Liberalism was met 
with great hesitancy on the part of Michigan politicians. 
Among the Democrats and disaffected Republicans the 
declarations of the Cooper Institute Meeting of April 12th 
were considered weak and non-committal.^ " Though the 

* Washington Correspondent to A^. Y. World, April 16. 

* The mass meeting held in Cooper Institute, New York City, 
emphasized the growing importance of the comparatively small body 



i^r] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT 135 

speeches were pointed and direct, we cannot say as much 
for the platform adopted. . . . The omissions in this creed 
are more noticeable than the declarations. In short, it is 
a milk and water affair, a very good specimen of how not 
to do it."' 

The campaign was exceedingly complicated this year, as 
there were two state conventions held by each of the three 
parties — an early one for the appointment of delegates to 
the national convention, and a later one for the nomina- 
tion of a state ticket. Besides the regular proceedings, 
there were also irregular and preliminary meetings and 
conferences required by the particular exigencies of the 
campaign. There was an unusual delay this spring on the 
part of the Liberal opposition, due undoubtedly to the fact 
that it had no previous organization. 

An informal meeting of local Liberal leaders was held 
in Detroit ^ to consider the appointment of delegates to the 
Cincinnati Convention — the national convention of the 
new party, which was called for May ist. It was imprac- 
ticable in the short time that remained to call a state con- 
vention for the purpose, and the conference recommended 
that each town, city, and county send delegates who should 
there meet, organize and appoint such committees and take 
such action as would be necessary to represent the state. 
" All Republicans " were invited " Avho believe a change 
should be made in the management of the government and 

of prominent persons who demanded a change in the method of treat- 
ment of the South. The speakers on this occasion were Trumbull 
and Schurz. Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vi, pp. 413-4- 

' Argus, April 19, 1872. 

' The conference was held at the Biddle House on Thursday evening, 
April 18. The call was issued April 22, and signed by Duncan Stewart, 
Chairman, D. C. Holbrook of Detroit, T. C. Hall of Hudson, W. S. 
Maynard of St. Joseph. Free Press, April 19. 



136 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [136 

its administration purified," and a large attendance was 
urged. Names of influential Republicans inclined to this 
direction were requested in order that some organization 
could be effected through correspondence. Blair returned 
to Michigan, and openly declared his support of the move- 
ment and his intention to go to Cincinnati.^ 

With reference to the nomination of a presidential can- 
didate, there was no declared preference among the dis- 
affected Republicans in Michigan, though Charles Francis 
Adams and Gratz Brown were apparently in highest favor. 
Many preferred David Davis on account of his' past asso- 
ciations with Lincoln. They believed that his former rela- 
tions with President Lincoln would insure him substantial 
support of members from both parties. In the conferences 
of the Michigan delegation at its head-quarters before the 
convention, it appeared that Adams, Brown and Davis were 
all popular. Notwithstanding this fact, the entire delega- 
tion gave its support to Greeley upon his nomination in the 
convention. It may be suspected, however, that some did 
so with reluctance.^ 

When the results of the Cincinnati Convention became 
known, some organs optimistically rejoiced that Greeley 
had been preferred to Judge Davis, since they opposed the 
entrance into politics of a Justice of the Supreme Court.' 
It was generally thought more probable than ever that the 
Democrats would now nominate a regular ticket. If this 
was done, many believed that Greeley would withdraw 

^ Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vi, p. 413. 

* Letter of Apr. 29 from J. P. Thompson, Jackson Cit., May 4, 1872 ; 
interview with Mr. Edward W. Barber of Jackson, editor of Jackson 
Patriot. 

^ Free Press, May 6, 1872: Marshall Expounder, May 9; Argus, 
May 10. 



137] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT 137 

from the canvass, and the Republican candidate would be 
successful.^ 

Austin Blair, the leader of the Michigan Liberals, seemed 
on the whole, well pleased with the choice. In one of his 
speeches early in the campaign, he expressed the warmest 
personal friendship for Greeley and declared him his prefer- 
ence as a reformer. He believed that Adams had no hold 
upon the laboring people, especially of the West.^ 

THE DEMOCRACY AND THE LIBERALS 

After the Cincinnati convention, there was naturally a 
great measure of uncertainty and anxiety among the Demo- 
crats as to the most advisable course for the State Conven- 
tion to pursue, which would meet July 2nd. In reply to an 
inquiry concerning the attitude of the party in lower Mich- 
igan during the spring of 1872, a reliable observer showed 
that there was a wide divergence in the views of three dis- 
tinct classes. First were those who believed the Democracy 
was a lost cause, and no further harm could be accom- 
plished by supporting Greeley. Second, those who, believ- 
ing that the only way of defeating Grant was the election 
of Greeley, would vote for him on purely partisan grounds. 
The third class actively protested against the nomination of 

1 Jackson Cit., May 4, which admitted that the " contingencies are 
innumerable, and Mr. Greeley may develop unexpected strength." 
The Kal Tel, May 14, declared that " every man at Cincinnati had 
his own grievance and labored for revenge. The Adv. and Tribune, 
May 16, charged Greeley with conduct " approaching rank apostasy." 
The Battle Creek Journal, May 8, Marshall Statesman, May 9. two 
Independent Republican journals, regretted the selection, while the 
Ypsilanti Sentinel, known as a Copperhead sheet, was too ultra- 
Democratic to support Greeley. 

» The Greeley-Brown ratification meeting at Jackson, July 10: In this 
speech Blair termed the Adamses "a family of office-seekers" and re- 
marked that "one son of the recent candidate wants to be Governor of 
Massachusetts, and another will want to be President as soon as he is 
old enough." Jackson Cit., July 11. 



138 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [138 

Greeley at Baltimore, and declared they would not support 
him for any reason. They asserted that the party was not 
obliged to adopt the Liberal candidate, and they looked 
with preference upon Groesbeck, Hendricks. Thurman or 
Adams. It was generally believed, however, that the Cin- 
cinnati ticket would be indorsed and a fusion state ticket 
agreed upon by both branches of the opposition.^ A large 
meeting of the " Democratic Association " convened in 
Detroit May 21st, and resolved that the declaration of the 
Cincinnati convention was " evidence of the progress of 
public opinion ". They declared in favor of " harmonizing 
the action of the Liberal Republican and Democratic parties 
in the coming presidential election ", and thus gave a 
strong impulse to the idea of a coalition. 

The preliminary convention was held in Lansing, July 
2nd. Four delegates at large and eighteen district dele- 
gates were elected to represent the Michigan Democracy 
in the national convention at Baltimore. The state conven- 
tion endorsed the principles embodied in the Cincin- 
nati platform, and directed the members to vote as a 
unit.^ When the Michigan delegation to Baltimore took 
a preliminary test vote on the presidential preference, the 

' Elihu B. Pond of the Mich. Argus, May 31. 

' The delegates-at-large were William A. Moore, of Detroit, a mem- 
ber of the National Commiltee, E. H. Lothrop, Fidas Livermore and 
Hon. J. G. Sutherland. Each was allov.'ed to appoint his own sub- 
stitute. The last named was the successful Democratic opponent of 
J. T. Driggs in the sixth District two years before, and was re- 
cognized as a very able legalist and a man of reliable principles. 
Official Proceedings of the National Deni. Convention, 1872, pp. 44, 
60, 69. Free Press, July 3; Argus, July 5. McPherson, 1872, p. 163. 
The same day and place a Liberal Republican meeting was held, and 
among the conspicuous members were Austin Blair and J. T. Driggs. 
The arrangement of simultaneous conventions at the same place fore- 
shadowed the system formally adopted a little later to secure unity of 
purpose and action. 



jog] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT 139 

entire body except Hawley and Briggs of the first dis- 
trict voted for Greeley and Brown. These members fav- 
ored Groesbeck and Hancock. Two others had at first 
opposed the acceptance of the Cincinnati candidates, but 
later changed their preference, and when the gentlemen of 
the first district yielded, Michigan's vote was unanimous 
for Greeley. 

The adoption of the Cincinnati ticket at Baltimore was 
accepted almost without adverse comments by the Demo- 
crats in Michigan, who promptly took up the heavy burden 
of the campaign. Of the important Democratic journals, 
only the Free Press declared its hostility to Greeley and 
Brown, as it always preferred Adams. It had been one of 
the earliest advocates of the Cincinnati Convention, and 
had at one time favored dispensing entirely with the Demo- 
cratic National Convention. Now it considered the out- 
come of the Liberal movement so unsatisfactory as to 
justify repudiation and independent action on the part of 
the Democrats. Tater, however, it returned to the support 
of the Liberals.* 

Of the prevailing attitude of the Democratic press, the 
following declarations are typical : 

In accordance with our previously declared policy— we place 
their name [Greeley and Brown] at the head of our column, 
and invite for them the votes of the Democrats. They were 
not our choice— but to withhold our vote is to lend our influ- 
ence to Grant and Wilson. We regard the defeat of Grant 
necessary to the best interests of the country. As between him 
and Greeley— and no other choice is now left— we cannot hesi- 
tate for a moment. ^ 

^ Free Press, Apr. 16, July n, 1872. 

* Argus, July 12. Similar expressions are found in the following: 
National' Dem., Cassopolis, July 11; Jackson Patriot, July 12. The 
Grand Rapids Dem. was the leading Greeley organ in western 
Michigan. Large ratification meetings were held in Jackson, July 10, 
and in Detroit, July 17 and July 22. 



I40 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [140 

The Liberals could consistently show more enthusiasm 
for Greeley than the Democrats could, and among the lead- 
ing speakers at the large Liberal ratification meetings were 
Blair, Peck, Pringle, Driggs, and Strickland. It was ob- 
served by several regular Republican papers that the Lib- 
eral leaders were disappointed office-seekers, and whatever 
importance the fact may have had, the assertion was in 
part true at least/ 

The preliminary Liberal Republican state convention 
met at Jackson, July 25th, and was a pronounced success, 
Trumbull addressed the meeting, and Blair, Driggs and 
Strickland were there. In the evening the state central 
committees of the Democrat and Liberal Republican wings 
of the Greeley-Brown movement held a joint session and 
unanimously adopted a plan of co-operation which would 
have been efficient, had not the movement been doomed 
from the beginning. Until all nominations were made, the 
two branches were to maintain separate organizations and 
each was to be represented in primary meetings, and in 
county, congressional, legislative and state conventions by 
its own appointed delegates. The conventions were to 
be held by the two parties at the same times and places, 
and all nominations made by joint conference. It was 
recommended that all county conventions elect delegates to 
the state and their respective Congressional conventions in 
order to facilitate organization. Each wing was thus made 
a high contracting party to all nominations, which would 
therefore be acceptable to both, since each was bound by 
the action of its delegates. This was the system adopted 
in some of the other states and recommended by both Na- 
tional Committees. The formation of Greeley Clubs was 
urged in all localities, and the campaign executive com- 

' Post, Aug. I. 



I4l] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT 141 

mittee jointly appointed by the two state central com- 
mittees, consisted of four Democrats and three Liberal 
Republicans. ^ 

In pursuance of the joint conference plan of this year, 
both the regular — as distinguished from the preliminary — 
Democratic and Liberal Republican State Conventions 
were held at Grand Rapids, August 22nd. Nominations 
were made upon the joint recommendation of the Confer- 
ence Committees, and eleven Presidential Electors were 
chosen, among whom were Charles S. May and Randolph 
Strickland. Austin Blair received the nomination for Gov- 
ernor as the Regulars had predicted, and they now felt 
assured that their earlier impression of Blair's motives was 
proven. They called the ticket " obscure and essentially 
correct ". It was true that the members of the state ticket 
were not so popular and well-known as they might have 
been had a larger following presented themselves as possi- 
bilities. The ticket was, however, beyond the reproach of 
Republicans on personal grounds, and that was the im- 
portant point in the minds of the opposition. The Con- 
gressional nominations of the opposition were far more 
popular than the state ticket. 

Lender the new apportionment and on the basis of past 
votes, the third district was most strongly Republican. It 
included Branch, Calhoun, Jackson, Barry and Eaton 
Counties. In this district John Parkhurst, the Reform 
candidate, was a Democrat and his Republican opponent 
was George Willard of the radical Battle Creek Journal. 
Augustus C. Baldwin, of the sixth district, was a Demo- 
crat, as was Wisner of the eighth. The fourth, fifth, and 
seventh chose Liberal Republican candidates, while the sec- 
ond nominated an academic man of no special partisan in- 

^ Free Press, Argus, July 26. 



142 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [142 

clinations.^ The names presented this year included the 
strongest representatives of the Reform movement. 

There was some sympathy in the state with the "Straight 
Democratic " movement, but it Avas severely denounced by 
all the Reform organs. The response was so weak to the 
call for a " State Convention " in Jackson, Monday, Sep- 
tember 23rd, that the members met in a private room and a 
Post reporter was at first taken for a delegate. The conven- 
tion nominated a state ticket, and chose Presidential electors 
and a State Central Committee. It declared that " in view 
of the present political contest " it put up a ticket so that 
Democrats need not be denied the privilege of voting for 
distinctly Democratic candidates. It indorsed the nomi- 
nation of O'Conor and Adams and the platform of the 
J.ouisville convention. William W. W^heaton was chairman, 
and by the close of the convention, seventeen members were 
present. In the evening there was a mass-meeting attended 
by less than a hundred persons, and while this was being 
held a large Greeley procession paraded the streets. The 
enthusiasm was obviously wanting which would warrant 
the nomination of Congressional and county delegates, and 
though the little meeting at first considered it, they shortly 
abandoned the idea.^ 

THE REGULAR REPUBLICANS 

On account of the close relation existing between the 
activities of the Liberal Republicans and Democrats of 
Michigan this year, it was necessary, in order to preserve 
the continuity of the story, to omit the Republicans from 
the narrative up to this point. Their share in the campaign 

• Traverse City Herald, St. Clair Rep., Pontiac Gazette, Saginaw 
ralley News, Saginaw Enterprise, for the months of August and Sep- 
tember, 1872. 

* Free Press, Sept. 28. 



143] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT iai 

presented no such complexities as did that of their allied 
opponents. The state convention which met May i6th 
at Jackson elected delegates to the national convention 
and adopted a platform very similar to that of a year 
before. " The unexampled prosperity of the country — and 
the visible dissolution of the Democratic party so long 
hostile to justice and equal rights — are the satisfactory 
proofs of national confidence in a Republican administra- 
tion of the government." General Grant was declared as 
faithful in the cabinet as in the field, and the platform con- 
tinued : " Relying upon his honest heart and pure purpose, 
his renomination to the presidency is earnestly desired by 
the great mass of the Republican party." ^ The delegates 
chosen- to the Philadelphia convention numbered twenty- 
two, and it Avas declared that not an office-holder was to 
be found among them. 

Early in August the Republicans held their state nomi- 
nating convention, which named John G. Bagley for Gov- 
ernor, and formulated another platform. This called for 
economy in government expenditure, and a more liberal 
standard of wages. It was evident that the Republicans 
were competing with the Liberals this year for the votes of 
the wage-earning classes.^ 

Early in June the Republican national convention met 
in Philadelphia, and William A. Howard, as chairman of 
the Michigan delegation, took a rather prominent part in 
the proceedings. When the roll was called upon the adop- 
tion of the platform and the election of each of the two 
national candidates, he announced the unanimous support 
of the state. In his response to the call for the vote on 
President, he declared his wish that Michigan had 44 in- 

^ Post, Adv. and Trib., May 17, 1872; Lansing State Rep., May 22. 
McPherson, 1872, p. 163. 

' Palladium, Aug. 9, 1872 ; Lansing State Rep., Aug. 15. 



144 ^^^ POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [j^^ 

Stead of 22 votes to cast.^ Before the balloting for Vice- 
President began, he briefly addressed the convention in 
favor of Colfax, and pleaded that the convention might not 
"endanger a doubtful state by insulting her noble son." 
He conceded all the good qualities of Henry Wilson, but 
believed Colfax was as able a man, and a wiser choice. 

In Michigan, as elsewhere, the chief characteristic of 
the contest was personal comment, and while the Reform 
journals exposed the shortcomings of the dominant party, 
the latter complained of " uncalled-for slander, and in- 
cessant abuse ". The partisan recrimination upon the de- 
sertion of so noted a Radical as Blair gave the politics of 
this state an unusually violent character. It was but natural 
that after two changes of affiliation he was a subject for 
doubt and suspicion by both parties. Even the Democrats 
were skeptical after his ultra-radical career in the House, 
and though they supported him before the election, they 
subsequently declared him an unfortunate candidate to ask 
support of those whom he had opposed with particular vio- 
lence during the last twelve years. The Regulars were cer- 
tain that even the leadership of Carl Schurz could not win 
the Germans to the opposition, and this was in most cases 
true. It was necessary in Michigan as elsewhere to vin- 
dicate Greeley's furnishing of bail to Jefferson Davis, 
which was declared by the Liberals a " wise and generous 
deed ". ^ The editorial and exchange columns of Repub- 
lican newspapers were filled with the stock-in-hand Greeley 
selections which Chandler aided materially in procuring for 
campaign purposes. 

^ Official Proceedings of the National Republican Convention, 1872, 
pp. 161, 171, 172. The Mich, delegation consisted of 22 regular mem- 
bers, four delegates-at-large, and two from each of the nine districts. 
Each had his alternate. 

"^ Post, Sept. 23; Adv. and Trib., Sept. 28, 1872; Pol. Pamphlets, K-27. 
" Greeley vs. Greeley." Jenison Coll. 



145] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT 145 

THE ELECTION 

The result of the election in Michigan certainly discour- 
aged any hopes of a reaction that the Democrats may have 
entertained in 1870. Grant received nearly 60.000 votes 
over Greeley, and 62.66 per cent of the entire vote cast for 
President. A large gain was made since 1868, when he re- 
ceived 56.98 per cent of the vote — which was still one per 
cent better than 1864. The Straight Democrats gave 
O'Conor 2,873 votes, while Black, the Temperance nomi- 
nee, received 1,271.^ Only two counties out of seventy 
went Liberal, and the straight Democratic vote for Presi- 
dent was most prominent in the four southern tiers of 
counties and in the southeast — a fact entirely consistent 
with their past history.^ 

The votes for governor disclosed a somewhat smaller 
percent of Republican gain. Bagley received 61.84 per 
cent; Blair, 36.38 per cent; William M. Ferry, Straight 
Democrat, 1.18 per cent, and Henry Fish, Temperance, 
.6 per cent. It was thus manifest that the opposition to the 
presidential candidate of the Liberals was stronger than 
that to Blair, the gubernatorial nominee. As 217,351 
votes were cast for President, and 222,511 for governor, it 
w^as also evident that more were willing to commit them- 
selves upon the choice of governor. The legislature of 
1873-1874 would be made up of 31 Republicans, i Demo- 

^ Grant received 136,199, Greeley 77,020. The Straight Democratic 
vote averaged only 1.3%, while the Temperance reached little more 
than 5%. Mich. Man., 1873, pp. 231-310; Mich. Aim., 1873, pp. 28, 84; 
Tribune Aim., 1873, p. 65; Adv. and Trib., Nov. 6, 7. 

" The foUovi^ing gives the percent of Democratic vote in eleven 
counties where the support was strongest: Wayne, i; Calhoun 1.4; 
Washtenaw 1.6; Lenawee 1.8; Berrien 1.8; Hillsdale 1.9; Saginaw 2; 
Oakland 2.5; Livingston 2.5; Ottawa 2.8; Van Buren 2.9. Ottawa 
thus diverged from its customary Republican leaning. Temperance 
reached its highest mark in Calhoun, Isabella and Delta counties 
where the votes were respectively 1.6%, 12.5%, and 25.6%. 



146 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [146 

crat in the upper house, while the proportion in the lower 
was 94 to 6. The Republican majority thus rose to 120, 
and was obviously practically absolute. In all nine Con- 
gressional Districts, Republicans were elected. 

The proposed amendment relative to the payment of rail- 
road-aid bonds was rejected by a strong vote, and from a 
second refusal it appeared that the people were positively 
unwilling to legalize the aid already voted. It was pleaded, 
however, by some Republican organs that the failure to 
adopt this amendment would " savor of repudiation '".^ 
The amendments pertaining to the limitation of the num- 
ber of judicial circuits and the salary increase for circuit 
judges were rejected by smaller majorities. Much of the 
work of the session of 1871 thus came to nothing and as 
the desired changes could not be wrought by amendment, 
the other alternative would be tried again and revision 
shortly undertaken. 

The earlier decline in the Republican party, as evidenced 
by the successive gubernatorial and Congressional votes 
and the growing discontent within the Republican party, 
had seemed auspicious for a " tidal wave " so often pre- 
dicted by Democratic organs. The outcome of the Cin- 
cinnati convention, however, at once silenced all expres- 
sions of optimism and the party organs settled down to 
campaign labor in the face of very discouraging odds. In 
some respects, Austin Blair's support was a hindrance 
rather than a source of strength, as a defense of his action 
was incessantly demanded by the Regulars. They relied 
mainly upon the absence of Democrats from the polls on 
November 5th, and this proved to be the most disastrous 
feature of the election for the Liberal movement.^ 

* Adv. and Trib., Sept. 29. 

* Post, Oct. 15 ; Argus, Oct. 25 ; Blair was defeated in Jackson, — his 
home county, — a fact of which the Regulars made great capital. 
Statistics of Mich., 1870, pp. Ixii-lxiv. 



147] FAILURE OF THE LIBERAL MOVEMENT i^y 

After the election was over, the Democratic and Liberal 
papers were free to express themselves, and it was evident 
that most of them despaired of success from the begin- 
ning. The nomination of Greeley was, of course, the first 
great mistake. In the second place, it was agreed that he 
should have been repudiated and a new candidate chosen. 
If the Liberals themselves did not venture to do this, the 
Democrats " should have turned their backs upon Greeley 
and Brown, and when at Baltimore nominated the best 
men in the party " — Adams and Groesbeck. Another great 
error was made by placing Austin Blair at the head of the 
state ticket. A war Democrat would have commanded the 
support of the disaffected Republicans and yet would have 
been favored by the state Democracy. It was impossible 
for the latter to forget Blair's ultra-radicalism of the past, 
while the former would not have hesitated to support a 
reliable War Democrat. 

Such then was the extent of Michigan's response to the 
Liberal movement. The Post believed this election to be 
a real " political revolution ", and declared it " scarcely pos- 
sible to doubt that this will be the death of the Democratic 
party." ^ It was to be very different, however, in the suc- 
ceeding campaigns, when the lessons in organization and 
nomination of this contest were to prove of immense value 
to both branches of the opposition, 

' Nov. 7, 1872. 



CHAPTER VI 

The Schism in the Republican Party in Michigan 
AND THE Success of the Democracy 

preliminary politics and constitutional revision 

" The revelations of the past winter have shown that 
the necessity for overthrowing the party in power is greater 
than was thought last year," commented the leading Demo- 
cratic organ of Michigan in March, 1873, and such was 
the opinion of the opposition to Republicanism which had 
remained virtually intact since the preceding year. "Slowly 
but surely all the defeated forces of Retrenchment and Re- 
form are moving towards new and complete organization." 
it continued, and the defeat in 1872 was considered more 
propitious for the future than success would have been, as 
the elements of disaffection were held more closely united 
by the continued evidences of corruption in the Grant Ad- 
ministration/ 

A call was issued March 3. 1873, for the Democratic and 
Liberal State conventions to be held at Jackson, March 
27th. All persons were invited who were " opposed to the 
corruption of men in power," and each county was entitled 
to two delegates for each Representative in the legislature. 
In pursuance of the system of joint individual action in 
the previous campaign, the two organizations were to meet 
simultaneously and the call was signed by both Foster Pratt 
and N. B. Jones, the state chairmen of the Democratic and 
Liberal Republican committees respectively. The pro- 

1 Free Press, Mar. 6, 1873. 
148 [148 



J .q] the schism in the republican party 149 

ceedings were entirely harmonious, and I. P. Christiancy 
was unanimously renominated for Associate Justice of the 
Supreme Court. 

Mr. Christiancy had been a Democrat until the anti- 
slavery controversy, when he became an active leader in 
the Free Soil movement, and by successive re-elections he 
had served in the Supreme Court from its founding, Janu- 
ary I, 1858. The non-partisan character of his politics 
made him a reliable and favorite candidate of a united op- 
position. His anti-slavery sentiment of 1848 was no longer 
a source of Democratic criticism, while his Free Soil sym- 
pathies strengthened him with the Republicans who adopted 
him as their candidate also. The fact that he had so long 
occupied an office not strictly political, and had remained 
apart from active or prominent participation in politics 
made him the most conspicuous man in the state for nomi- 
nation. He was elected without opposition and his success 
this year undoubtedly served to make him the first prefer- 
ence of the anti-Chandler combination two years later. 
Of the six candidates for the two Regencies of the Uni- 
versity, the two Republicans won over the Democrats and 
Temperance candidates by large majorities. The special 
elections in two judicial districts and one Congressional 
also resulted in Republican victories.' 

Again the constitution received attention now by at- 
tempted revision instead of amendment. There was no 
particular reason for it at this time. It had, however, be- 
come the settled aim of the administration party to obtain 
change, and they alternately tried amendment and revision. 
It had likewise become the policy of the Democracy to look 
with disfavor upon such proceedings, and the people had 

1 Argus, Apr. 4. 1873; Free Press, Apr. 5; Mich. Coll., vol. xviii, pp. 
333-8; Bi'og. of Christiancy, by Justice Graves; Post and Tribune Life 
of Chandler, p. 338. 



150 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [150 

acquired the habit of rejecting all such proposed altera- 
tions. During the legislative session of 1873, the Governor 
was authorized to appoint a commission of eighteen mem- 
bers, two from each district, to revise the Constitution/ 
The proposed draft would be acted upon by the legislature 
and if approved, it would then be submitted to the people 
The Commission as named by the Governor consisted of 
twelve Republicans and six Democrats, a proportion fairly 
representative of the political status of the state, but one 
which was bound to cause the active opposition of the 
minority party to the final draft." Among the most popular 
members of the Commission were G. V. N. Lothrop — who 
had been an active supporter of Andrew Johnson — Charles 
Upson, a member of Congress for several terms, and Sul- 
livan M. Cutcheon. Ex- Speaker of the House of the State 
Legislature. 

The subjects under consideration before this body were 
chiefly taxation, salaries and method of appointment of cir- 
cuit judges. The power of taxation — general and local — 
should be limited, it was urged, rather than increased. The 
matter of fixing salaries should not, in the light of the 
" Salary Grab " Act of Congress and a similar one of the 
State Legislature, ever be given over to the legislature. 
The Democrats clearly understood this, some of the Re- 
publicans did not. Though it was admitted generally by 
both parties that the remuneration provided in the consti- 
tution was entirely inadequate, the increase must be defi- 
nitely specified in the revised constitution. The present 

' Acts, 1873, p. 573, Joint Res., no. 19, offered Apr. 24; H. Jour., p. 
214; S. Jour., p. 1254. 

* It met late in August and adjourned the middle of October, re- 
maining in session 51 days. By the act providing for the Commission 
it must complete its labors on or before Dec. i. Argus, Aug. 15, 1873; 
Lansing State Rep., Sept. 24. 



I^l] THE SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 151 

State of popular feeling would prevent the adoption of a 
proposal placing the matter in the hands of the legislature, 
a body which the people did not feel inclined to trust. 

The legislation which had occasioned this hostility was 
the Act of April 24, 1873, which voted additional payment 
to secretaries, clerks, sergeants-at-arms, firemen and mes- 
sengers of the legislature, to the amount of several thou- 
sand dollars.^ It was urged that this action was taken in 
direct violation of Article IV, Section 21, of the constitu- 
tion, which declared that " The legislature shall not grant 
nor authorize extra compensation to any public officer, 
agent or contractor after the service has been rendered or 
the contract entered into." The Democrats observed that 
" the legislature of this state has proven an apt scholar 
in learning the bad tricks of Congress." The Republican 
organs arraigned the Democrats in the legislature for this 
piece of legislation, while the latter defended themselves on 
the grounds that " the majority is by right held respon- 
sible for the action of any legislative body." " It was thus 
natural that the recent acts of the legislature would en- 
danger the salary articles which the Commission might 
recommend, and lead to the rejection of the revised consti- 
tution. Contrary to the advice of members of both parties, 
the Commission gave the legislature the power to estab- 
lish the salaries of all state officers, with the result which 
was generally foreseen. 

An innovation was proposed by the Commission, provid- 
ing for the appointment in place of the election of State 
and Circuit Judges, but it was here defeated by a strong 
opposition who pointed to the fortunate results of the 
elective system in the case of the Supreme Court. 

In October, the Commission closed its work of constitu- 

* S. Jour., p. 1441, Apr. 10, 1873; Free Press, Apr. 25. 

* Jackson Cit., May 3. 



152 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [1^2 

tional revision. Pursuant to the call of Governor Bagley, 
an extra session of the legislature was convened on Tues- 
day, March 3, 1874, to consider the constitution as revised 
the previous autumn. After a thorough discussion of each 
article, it was approved with some changes by both Houses, 
and recommended for submission to the people to be voted 
upon in November.^ 

Another matter received the attention of the legislature 
• — that of woman sufifrage. This movement had been in 
progress since the constitutional convention of 1867, and 
it culminated in a joint resolution proposing an amend- 
ment to Section i. Article 7, relative to the qualifications 
of electors.^ This was to be submitted as a separate article 
at the same time with the draft of the revised constitution, 
as the sentiment against woman suffrage would have en- 
dangered the constitution. 

FORMATION OF MINOR PARTIES 

The campaign of 1874 was certainly one of many issues 
and a complication of many movements. There was some 
uncertainty concerning the relation of the Democracy to 
the Reform Republicans, and the matter ended in some ill- 
feeling and an entirely separate organization of the two, 
which abrogated the arrangement of two years before. 
The Grangers had attained some importance the previous 
year, and both the regular organizations visibly catered to 
them. The Democrats had the advantage of the Repub- 
licans in this respect, and pursued it to extremes. The 

^ S. Jour, and H. Jour., for Extra Session, 1874. 

' Acts, Extra Session. 1874, pp. 9, 10, Joint Res., no. 2. approved 
Mar. 23. The Grand Traverse Herald, Republican, was probably the 
strongest advocate of woman's suffrage in Michigan. The Democrats 
generally opposed it or ignored the question, while the Republican or- 
gans were inclined to be more liberal. Grand Traverse Herald, 
Mar. 24. 



123] -^^^ SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 1^3 

Greenback party became prominent at this time partly be- 
cause of the financial panic of the preceding year. The 
past agitation of the Prohibitionists raised up against them 
the License or Anti-Prohibition party. There was thus 
some danger of confusing the less important issues with 
those of greater consequence — woman suffrage, prohibi- 
tion, re-election of Chandler, with reform, resumption, cen- 
tralization and the tariff. 

The organization called Patrons of Industry had be- 
come prominent in Michigan among the agricultural class 
by the fall of 1873, when there were one hundred and 
thirteen local granges organized. When a county was 
thoroughly organized a grange selected three delegates 
who formed the " County Council." Among its recog- 
nized duties were the arrangement of terms of sale of var- 
ious commodities with local dealers and the guarantee of 
the exclusive patronage of the organization. The sale of 
agricultural implements and other articles at wholesale was 
also arranged by the state executive committee. By Janu- 
ary, 1874, the movement was sufficiently extensive and 
unified to make possible a state convention which met at 
Kalamazoo and framed a comprehensive platform highly 
complimentary to the order. The aims of the order were 
declared to be the facilitating of social intercourse, the in- 
crease of knowledge and intelligence by the discussion of 
public questions, and the advancement of pecuniary inter- 
ests through co-operation. The last purpose could be ac- 
complished by buying directly from manufacturers and 
selling directly to consumers. " As agriculture furnishes 
the main source of the nation's wealth and greatness, and 
over one-half of the productions of the country and nearly 
one-half of the voters," the farmers are entitled to equal 
privileges, equal taxation and equal justice in the admin- 
istration of the laws. The platform demanded cheap trans- 



154 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [154 

portation and urged the legislature to control and regulate 
the carrying trade of our country and compel all railway 
companies to adopt equal and uniform rates for passengers 
and freight.^ 

The Grangers were favorable to the elected judiciary, 
and constitutional regulation of state salaries. They de- 
nounced the Credit Mobilier and Salary Act and demanded 
the repeal of the latter. The Patrons were thus conser- 
vative with respect to the minor questions of constitutional 
revision, and on reform their views coincided with those 
of the Democracy. Their chief interests were industrial 
and their platform omitted the important question of cur- 
rency. Their demand for railway regulation was not now 
incompatible with the policy of either of the leading parties 
and their other issues were not strong enough to cause any 
apprehension of a new division. The great issues of the 
present campaign were fiscal in nature and the Patrons 
took no cognizance of this fact. Their organization in 
Michigan as in the other states was more social and indus- 
trial than political, and their function was to influence the 
old parties in legislation rather than cause a new political 
formation. Only a party built upon the currency issue 
could endanger the lines of the old organizations. 

The Prohibition party held a state convention July 30th, 
and nominated an entire state ticket. The Post among 
other Republican papers looked with disfavor upon the per- 
sistence of this faction, while the Democracy was openly 
hostile to it. 

This year appeared a new organization founded upon 
the temperance question — the Anti-Prohibition or State 
License Party. Prohibition had been a more or less promi- 
nent issue since 1868. when a proposed amendment in its 
favor was rejected by a majority strong enough to encour- 

^ Mich, as a State, vol. iv, pp. 149-151 ; Free Press, Jan. 31. 1874. 



1 55 J "^^^ SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 133 

age the license advocates. A convention of Anti-Prohibi- 
tionists met in Detroit, August 12th, with an attendance 
of 300, including delegates from every district. The reso- 
lutions embodied strong arguments for a well-administered 
state license system, and prominent Republican journals 
admitted the soundness of some of the views. It was con- 
ceded that " doubtless a majority of the people of the state 
are tired of the experiment of prohibition and would wel- 
come legislation on a practical, not sentimental basis." The 
convention gave the party a permanent organization by the 
appointment of a state central committee, and the move- 
ment received encouragement from various journals of 
both parties.^ 

THE INDEPENDENT ACTION OF THE REFORMERS 

The initial step toward the formation of a new reform 
party in the state was taken by the opposition members of 
the legislature in May, 1874. They appointed a committee 
which issued a call for the " National Reform conven- 
tion " to meet in Lansing, Thursday, August 6th. The 
question arises at once concerning the connection, if any, 
between the Liberal party of 1872 and this new " National 
Reform Party ". The foundations of the former were 
primarily hostility to Grant, agitation for administrative 
reform, and the demand of a milder policy in the treatment 
of the Southern states, during the progress of Reconstruc- 
tion. The " National Reform Party " of this year was 
dedicated, as its name implies, to the " restoration of purity 
and statesmanship to the high places of our state and na- 
tional administration." As both were built upon the com- 
mon grounds of reform, especially in so far as national 
administration is concerned, there appears an obvious simi- 

^ Adv. and Trib., Aug. 14, 1874; Argus, Oct. 16. 



156 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [1^5 

larity between the two organizations. The fact that the 
personnel in Michigan was practically the same — at least 
the leaders — lends additional force to this inference. 

On the other hand, if the two parties are formally and 
ofilicially considered, the conclusion is necessarily quite dif- 
ferent. The National Reform Party received an abso- 
lutely fresh organization, and was — to all appearances — a 
new party, with no intimation that it was the unfortunate 
Liberal organization under a new name. The opposition 
members of the state legislature who appointed the com- 
mittee for preliminary deliberation, the committee itself, 
and the state convention — all three bodies — declared de- 
finitely that a new organization had been formed. Formally, 
then, the National Reform Party in 1874 was decidedly 
a new one, and entirely independent of the Liberals of two 
years before. In reality, Iiowever, their identical purpose 
and personnel warrant the view that they were one. 

According to the committee, the National Reform con- 
vention of August 6th was " to take such steps as may 
be deemed advisable to secure the organization of a party 
on a basis of live issues and for the restoration of purity 
and statesmanship to the high places of our state and na- 
tional government." There was no doubt that a new party 
was anticipated by this call. As late as the last of May 
there appeared a strong probability that the elements of 
opposition would unite for the campaign. It was the " Re- 
form " faction who thus first made clear an intention of 
independent action on their part, and the Democrats were 
not a little surprised at the call. The Republicans believed 
this a " feeler " for " finding a platform for the Demo- 
crats," but there was no evidence of connection between the 
two elements of the opposition. From the general senti- 
ments expressed in the convention and the platform it ap- 
pears that the Reformers acted somewhat rashly, if not 



157] THE SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 157 

selfishly, this year, and were instrumental in decreasing the 
influence which a party effectively representing their views 
might otherwise have attained.^ The charge made by some 
leading Republican journals that " the call for a distinctly 
Democratic convention killed the Reform movement" could 
not possibly be true, as the Reformers themselves took the 
first step to secure separate organization, and the Demo- 
crats did the one thing that was left them — ignore the Re- 
form element in their call. 

The National Reform convention was not largely at- 
tended, and among the delegates were some who had been 
Reformers in 1870 and Liberals in 1872. The preamble 
to the resolutions adopted b}^ the convention declared nec- 
essary the reform of both of the old parties, and while the 
Reformers " recognized the honesty and patriotism of a 
large portion of the Democratic and Republican parties," 
yet " they could never hope to effect reform by acting with 
either of them." They enumerated the many evidences of 
corruption, and declared there was a positive " necessity of 
independent action ". The convention cordially invited to 
join with them all men of whatever class and vocation re- 
gardless of past political views. 

The Democrats with good reason were offended and at 
once looked with disfavor upon the independent action of 
the Reformers. The alienation of the Democracy seems 
now, as it did at that time, a grave mistake. It was not 
the Reformers but the Democrats who had sacrificed them- 
selves in the campaign two years before, and if one of the 
parties to that coalition now felt unfavorably disposed, it 
should certainly have been the latter. 

The platform demanded a reduction in the number of 
offices under the national government and a reduction both 

^Evening News. May 26, 1874; Lansing State Rep., May 27, Argus, 
May 29. 



158 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [158 

of their powers and of their salaries. It favored measures 
securing free banking, a revenue tariff and an equitable 
system of taxation. It also recommended legislative regu- 
lation of railway fares and the taxation of railway prop- 
erty, and denounced the issuance of free passes to state 
officials. 

The currency resolution was by far the most important, 
and it was awaited by both parties with great interest. Its 
essence proved to be a demand for return to a specie basis 
" as rapidly as shall be consistent with financial prosperity." 
The Democrats promptly criticised this plank as being non- 
committal and uncertain, and saw in it a concession to in- 
flationist Republicans. There was widespread disappoint- 
ment that a convention addressed by Ex-Governor Blair 
S'hould make such a weak declaration upon a vital issue. ^ 
The advocates of inflation had withdrawn from the con- 
vention, and a decisive declaration in favor of resumption 
could have been adopted without difficulty, as there was 
unmistakable evidence that the prevailing preference was 
in that direction. The plank was obviously designed to 
satisfy the Greenbackers, but failed to do so. 

The Reform convention appointed a state committee 
which issued a call for a convention, September 9th, to 
make nominations and appoint Congressional district com- 
mittees. This meeting adopted resolutions similar to those 
of August 6th. Col. A. T. McReynolds was appointed 
chairman pro tern, and a full ticket was nominated of which 
four names were adopted by the Democrats in convention 
the next day.^ A fifth nomination became concurrent by 

^ The chairman was Hon. Eugene Pringle, and Randolph Strickland 
was a speaker. Evening News, Aug. 7, 1874; lackson Cit., Aug. 10. 

^ Henry Chamberlain for Governor, George H. House for Sec. of 
State, Chauncey W. Green for Commissioner of the State Land Office, 
and Duane Doty, Member of State Board of Education. 



159] THE SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY j^g 

the subsequent withdrawal of Col. McReynolds, the candi- 
date for Attorney-General, whose successor was M. V. 
Montgomery, the corresponding nominee of the Demo- 
crats. Five nominations were thus identical, of which four 
were again original with the minority branch and accept- 
able to the Democracy. The campaign within the state, so 
far as it related to the state ticket, thus presented a differ- 
ent form of union from that in 1872. The principal candi- 
dates were the same, but the parties worked separately 
throughout the campaign. 

The efforts of the Reform party were a great disappoint- 
ment to many. The hard-money faction, it was generally 
thought, should have expressed themselves without such 
ambiguity and vagueness. " The Democrats have done 
well in not identifying themselves with the convention," 
declared the leading Democratic organ. " and while we 
would have concurred on every point, the Reformers have 
not rendered a Democratic convention unnecessary, as they 
have left undone something we can and will do." 

The alliance which had earlier been thought possible 
between the Democracy and Reform party was never ef- 
fected and the two branches maintained throughout a 
separate organization. The Democrats were naturally sen- 
sitive in this matter, and the leading organs urged the party 
" to go forward just as if this new party had not been 
organized, nominate its ticket and announce its principles." 
They also urged the party " to shun all entangling alliances 
and let the Reformers cast their vote with the Democracy." 
They referred to the failure of the Reform minority to 
carry over the majority in 1872 and declared the former 
could not now absorb the latter. The defeat at the last 
election also showed the inadequacy of the "double jointed" 
organization with simultaneous and separate conventions 
and separate platforms. The co-operation in this election, 



i6o THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [i6o 

if there were any. must be through mere mutual adoption 
of individual names — and this was what took place in sev- 
eral instances. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 

The Republican state central committee met at Jack- 
son, Tuesday, June 9th. and issued a call for the State 
Convention to meet at Lansing. August 28th. The size 
of the convention was doubled, as four delegates were 
allowed each district instead of two. The party was on 
the defensive, and its platform, like its other campaign 
efforts, was a vindication of the past policy of the national 
administration. It declared that the party " offered no 
apologies," but " challenged a faithful scrutiny of its 
record through every vicissitude of war and peace, and the 
candid judgment of all just men." The Republicans " saw 
no reason to surrender the reins of power into the hands 
of a party whose last public service was to drag the country 
into civil war — and which made its last effort to regain the 
confidence of the people under the lead of its life-long 
enemy in the most brazen, bare-faced, shameless coalition 
ever known in the history of parties, formed solely and 
avowedly on the basis of ' spoils alone '." The state ad- 
ministration was highly commended for its interest in pro- 
curing social legislation.^ 

With reference to the negroes, the platform declared 
that " freedom was bestowed upon them as a war measure 

' The measures particularly referred to were the establishment of 
the State Board of Charities and Corrections in 1871 for the reforma- 
tory treatment of the insane; the founding of the State Public School 
for dependent children two years later, — both under Governor Baldwin, 
and the creation of the State Board of Health under Governor 
Bagley. During the administration of the latter incumbent the office 
of Cominissioner of Insurance was provided for, and a Bureau of 
Inspection of Banks was established in the Treasury Department. 
Mich, as a State, vol. iv, pp. 66-9, 106-8. 



l6i] THE SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY i6i 

and in aid of the Union cause, and the electoral function 
was thrust upon them as a means of protection not only to 
themselves but to the nation." It was therefore the duty of 
the country to " protect them in all rights and privileges 
of their enforced citizenship." " Their ignorance is not 
their fault," it asserted. " but the legitimate fruit of their 
former condition." The government "assumed the respon- 
sibility for problems resulting from their status when it 
clothed them with full rights and privileges of citizens." 
These statements certainly had a more apologetic tone than 
the dominant party had yet shown with reference to the 
race problem. The Republicans insisted throughout the 
campaign that the Northerners were a necessary element 
in the South to guarantee protection to the negro, and they 
went so far as to concede that whatever trouble there was 
occasioned by the presence of the Northerners was due to 
their " ignorance and inexperience, rather than their fraud 
and corruption." ^ 

The resolutions touching the currency were so unsatis- 
factory that even the Advertiser and Tribune considered 
them vague and non-committal. The Post, however, re- 
sented the insinuation on the part of the less aggressive 
Republican journal that the party must have wanted to 
please the resumptionists without offending the inflation- 
ists. The platform declared that while greenbacks and 
national bank notes were far superior as a circulating 
medium to any other paper currency existing in the United 
States — yet resumption of specie payments was demanded 
" as soon as possible." Banking under a well-guarded na- 
tional system should be free, and the volume of its issues 
regulated by the business law of demand.^ 

1 Post, Sept. 4. 

* Eve. News, Aug. 29, 1874; Ann. Cyc, 1874. 



1 62 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [162 

The old parties were formally, at least, approaching 
unanimity on the currency question, though the Democrats 
declared for immediate resumption in much more em- 
phatic terms than the Republicans. In Michigan the former 
adhered to resumption with fair consistency throughout the 
period, though they had become classed as a soft-money 
party in 1870 because they advocated postponement of 
specie payments until they could be effected " without in- 
jury to industrial interests." Whatever disadvantages they 
suffered from this tendency, however, were equaled and 
overshadowed by the Republican support of the Inflation 
Bill defeated by the President the previous April. 

Precisely what the attitude of the Republicans towards 
resumption was in Michigan it is difficult to say. They 
were undoubtedly divided among themselves and there was 
radical disagreement among the members in each House of 
Congress. The state platform was naturally an attempt to 
avoid offending either element, and there was a consensus 
of opinion that it was intended to reconcile the antagonism 
of Chandler and Ferry, the two Michigan Senators, whose 
views upon this question were diametrically opposed. It 
was generally thought that had Ferry carried the day, noth- 
ing would have prevented the division of the party on the 
lines of that issue alone. Chandler, Waldron, Willard and 
William B. Williams were the advocates of immediate re- 
sumption, while Ferry, seconded by Hubbell, Conger and 
Field, defended a paper currency in true greenback fashion. 

The views of the Michigan delegation are set forth in the 
debates from January to March, 1874, on H. R. 1572, a 
bill to amend the National Currency Act. Chandler's 
speech of January 20th in opposition to the Inflation Bill 
became a party tract in Michigan. He began with the often 
quoted introduction, " We need one thing besides more 
money, and that is better money," and declared that he had 



163] THE SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 163 

advocated from the first the earliest possible return to pay- 
ment in coin. '' I believe the time has arrived or very 
nearly arrived for coming to it," he continued, and " I have 
not the same timidity in fixing the date that some of my 
friends have." He believed that the increase of the vol- 
ume of paper currency was a step in the wrong direction, 
and thought that January of the succeeding year was un- 
necessarily remote for resumption.^ 

Waldron considered the issue of paper currency by the 
government " at least a doubtful exercise of power and cer- 
tainly pernicious in its influence on the business interests 
of the people." He showed that it w-as a dangerous char- 
acteristic of such issues " that each creates demand for ad- 
ditional issues," and that the legal-tender currency was the 
obstacle to resumption.^ Williams favored gradual retire- 
ment and a return to specie payments. He viewed the 
power to issue legal tender as " essentially a war power, a 
forced loan upon the creditor class which cannot exist — for 
the necessity cannot exist — in time of peace." ^ 

Thomas W. Ferry, the leader of the " Paper Money 
Trinity," maintained that the panic was due to the insuffi- 
ciency of available currency, while want of elasticity though 
it intensified the panic was merely incidental. He did not 
consider a specie basis an indispensable requisite to national 
prosperity and cited French and English economic history 
to sustain him. The resumption theory he attributed to 
capitalists. " The increasing business interests in the coun- 
try would be crippled by specie payments, since means to 
facilitate their development would be denied." The mone- 

' Globe, Jan. 20. 1874, PP- 777-8; Mar. 5, p. 2013; Mar. 17, p. 2183; 
Post and Tribune Life of Chandler, pp. 319-336. 
* Globe, March 30, 1874, p. 2598. 
' Globe, Apr. 9, 1874. PP- 2967-8. 



1 64 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [i6^ 

tary standard, whatever it may be, was conventional, he 
asserted. " Labor alone is the true standard of value and 
its origin is the cost of production." He insisted that "con- 
fidence and implicit faith are the basis of utility of any 
medium of circulation rather than intrinsic value." On 
January 13th, he was glad to sacrifice all the subsidiary 
considerations in his resolution in order to win the primary 
one — the increase of the currency.^ 

In the House, Hubbell and Field defended paper cur- 
rency against the attacks of resumptionists. The former 
insisted that it was not excessive for the purposes of in- 
dustry and the industrial demands of the West. Field, of 
Detroit, was probably the most extreme Michigan member 
in the House. He boldly asserted that a petition in favor 
of resumption presented by his colleague. Waldron, of 
Hillsdale, was unreliable, as " the gentleman had doubtless 
been im.posed upon and deceived." He attributed the 
periodic crises in England to their standard. " Money is 
for domestic uses," he further insisted, and " our green- 
backs are the people's money, and the best money we ever 
had." A full legal tender does not require any redemption, 
he asserted, as nothing is superior to it. " The credit of 
the nation possesses intrinsic value as well as gold, because 
it is issued in exchange for labor." ^ 

The vote on the Inflation Bill in the Senate showed that 
Ferry, Morton and Logan were its chief supporters, and 
Chandler, Schurz. Sherman and Thurman its strongest op- 
ponents. In the House, Waldron and Willard recorded 
their votes against it. Williams and Burrows were absent 
or refrained from voting, and the other five voted yea. 

1 Ibid., Dec. 18, 1873, p. 297; Jan. 13, 1874, p. 607; Jan. 14, pp. 640. 
708; Mar. 23, p. 2350; Apr. 6, p. 2818. 

* Globe, Mar. 31, 1874. pp. 2661-5; Mar. 27, pp. 2551-61; Apr. 8, 
Appx. pp. 211-215. 



165] THE SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 165 

After the vote of April 22nd, the vote in the Senate showed 
Ferry and Chandler still persisting in their differences.^ 

The Republican party found itself in a most trying posi- 
tion. It could not declare one policy and denounce the 
other while its own members in Congress defended both 
with almost an equal vote. With this threatened schism 
before it, the party was compelled to come before the peo- 
ple with the appearance of a united policy, and the reason 
for the non-committal plank in the state platform is thus 
very obvious. The Congressmen were the centers about 
which the politics of the respective localities were to draw, 
and the party must, in six of the nine districts, repudiate its 
own prominent leaders, or tacitly consign the party to a 
soft-money position by renominating them. The former 
would have been harsh treatment, inasmuch as the dele- 
gates were all strong partisans on other subjects, and the 
latter would have been very unwise. The only alternative 
left them was the embarrassing inconsistency of declaring 
for resumption in the district nominating conventions and 
at the same time renominating the inflationist members. In 
fact this was done in five of the six districts represented by 
men of inflationist tendencies, and the nominations were 
made in several instances by unanimous vote.^ The three 
anti-inflation Congressmen of the second, third, and fifth 
districts were renominated and indorsed. In the second 
district strong influence was exerted in favor of Webster 

' Globe, S. no. 150, Apr. 6, 1874, p. 2835; Apr. 14, p. 3078; Apr. 28, p. 
3436. Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, p. 62. 

' The five nominations above referred to were Field in the first 
district, Burrows in the fourth, Begole in the sixth, Conger in the 
seventh, and Hubbell in the ninth. The declaration in the sixth was 
similar to the others — " We are in favor of the resumption of specie 
payments at the earliest possible moment," but in the eighth district, 
in which Bradley was unanimously renominated, the convention con- 
sistently refused to declare in favor of resumption. 



1 66 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [i66 

Childs, representing the agricultural interests, and a com- 
promise was necessarily entered into with the Granger ele- 
ment. The friends of both were finally satisfied by the 
withdrawal of Childs from the present contest with the 
understanding that he should be supported for the Senator- 
ship in opposition to Chandler, and should be chosen Presi- 
dent of the Republican state convention. He had a strong 
following and had been mentioned in connection with the 
office of Governor or Secretary of State, but he preferred 
to keep his chances clear for the Senate. 

In one instance, however, an explanation was offered for 
this obvious inconsistency concerning the currency ques- 
tion. There was a strong element in the first district 
hostile to Field, and the Post with its anti-inflation position 
— following, of course, the views of Chandler — was anxious 
to make the case clear, and to warn the offender. " On the 
question of currency." it declared. " we have strongly dif- 
fered from Mr. Field during the financial discussion at the 
last session of Congress. The question has been practically 
settled by the veto of the President and by financial meas- 
ures passed just before Congress adjourned. It is an issue 
of the past and not likely to be revived. If it should again 
arise, however, the Representatives in Congress from Mich- 
igan will be guided by the will of the party and of the peo- 
ple of the state." ' 

THE DEMOCRACY IN 1874 

The Democrats watched closely to discover evidences of 
the indorsement not only of inflation but of the so-called 

' Post, Aug. 23, 1874; Comment in Free Press, Aug. 26, and Argus, 
Aug. 28. The main sources for the subject of Congressional politics 
and nominations have been the following journals for the months 
of August and September: Post, Adv. and Trib., Eve. News. Coldwater 
Rep., Jackson Cit., Kal. Tel., Lansing State Rep., Battle Creek Journal, 
Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Grand Traverse Herald, Saginaw Rep. 



167] THE SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 167 

salary grab. Both Senators from Michigan had consis- 
tently opposed the provision relating to the salaries of 
Congressmen, and only two Representatives had recorded 
their vote in its favor — one of them being the one Demo- 
cratic member of the House.^ 

Another question involved in the Republican politics 
which the Democrats attacked this year was that of the 
assessment of office-holders for party purposes. It was 
the practice in the Republican party to mail letters to each 
office-holder with a pointed request for the remittance of a 
certain percentage of his salary to the treasurer of the 
state organization. The exact amount was generally 
already computed and written out. This was certainly an 
effective arrangement, as the request signed by the state 
chairman was virtually a demand. The organization and 
system of assessment for campaign purposes was probably 
at its best in Michigan, as the party had been almost abso- 
lute for the last twenty years. It was a method of which 
the Democrats could not if they wished avail themselves, 
as they had practically no incumbents to assess. The re- 
crimination on this subject was probably more bitter than 
in states where the opposition had some hopes of meeting 
the majority upon a more equal footing. 

There was some doubt early in the year concerning the 
best issues upon which to build the Democratic platform. 
Opinions seemed to differ. In some cases the lesser ques- 
tions obscured the greater, but the main one was gener- 
ally conceded to be the currency. The recent panic was 
undoubtedly the cause of the agitation of the money issue 
by the Democrats particularly, and as early as February 
they demanded contraction and specie payments. " Green- 
backs must be made worth their face value in gold. This 
can be done," they declared, " by withdrawing a portion 

• McPherson, 1874, pp. 17. 18, 20. 



l68 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [i68 

of them from circulation, ceasing to purchase with them 
bonds due five, ten, or fifteen years hence, and using the 
gold accumulating in the Treasury to redeem the overdue 
and dishonored paper of the government." ^ 

The Democratic state central committee issued the call 
for the convention to be held at Kalamazoo on Thursday, 
September loth." It allowed double the former number of 
delegates, following the precedent of the Republican party, 
four from each Representative district and two from 
each organized county. The call also recommended that 
the convention arraign the Republicans for their " mal- 
administration, extravagance and corruption." The Demo- 
crats were to accept the abolition of slavery, it insisted, but 
resist all attempts to treat the southern states as con- 
quered provinces. The party should declare obedience to 
the national constitution but tolerate no interference from 
Washington with municipal affairs.'* The last was home 
rule, and " this with hard money and a revenue tariff must 
constitute the main federal issues." In matters of state 
administration, the call demanded the revision of tax laws 
to prevent the accumulation of large balances, the addi- 
tional security from legislative interference in merely local 
affairs, and the economical administration of the state 

* Argus, Feb. 13, 1874, "The Money Question." There were general 
expressions of delight on Grant's veto, Apr. 22, of the Senate Finance 
Bill, no. 617, known as the Inflation Bill. 

* Issued in Detroit, July 28, and signed by Foster Pratt. 

' This was aimed against the Interstate Commerce Bill providing 
for " the appointment of commissioners with powers to establish 
freights and fares." It was discussed in the House, March 18, and 
Willard of Mich, spoke against is as a measure " inexpedient, diffi- 
cult, and dangerous." On March 26 it passed the House, Bradley, 
WaJdron, Willard in the opposition, the other six members voting yea. 
This was not of course a party vote, but indicated diflFerence of 
opinion among the Republicans. For comment, Post, Mar. 27, 1874; 
Argus, Apr. 3. 



169] ^^^ SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 169 

government. The agitation for tax revision arose from 
the accumulation of a large amount in the treasury which 
the treasurer loaned to certain local banks at a lower rate 
of interest than that which was generally current, and 
often on poor security. At this time there was a surplus 
of $13,600,985, and the Democrats opposed the loan of 
these state funds with what they considered to be insuffi- 
cient security, since the Treasurer's bond was too small 
to protect the state. ^ 

The convention followed closely the lines laid down by 
the committee in its call of July 28th. The platform was 
a long one, and opened by an arraignment of the party in 
power for " unexampled extravagance and corruption, and 
unconstitutional and dangerous usurpation of powers not 
delegated to the federal government." It demanded the 
" immediate abandonment of all efforts to rule the states 
for corrupt party purposes by an infamous alliance of 
carpet-baggers, scalawags and bayonets." It further de- 
manded the immediate repeal of the Salary Act and the 
Gag Law " by which the party in power seeks to muzzle a 
free press.'' With respect to the currency, the Democrats 
declared for resumption, free banking, and tariff for 
revenue only. They also demanded that the repeal of the 
Legal Tender Act take effect not later than July 4, 1876. 
The management of the state finances was sharply criti- 
cised, and the surplus was considered so large that state 
taxes could be abolished for a year. 

Upon the perplexing subject of the liquor traffic the 
Democrats advocated regulation by constitutional amend- 
ment rather than prohibition. They thus secured the sup- 
port of the German element, and incurred the hostility of 
the Prohibitionists. When the motion was made for the 

' Free Press, July 29, 1874; Argus. July 31 ; Treasurer's Report, fiscal 
year 1873-4. 



I70 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [170 

adoption of the resolution there was some debate upon the 
relative merits of prohibition and a well-regulated control 
of licenses. The latter was preferred by the majority and 
the resolutions were adopted with but few dissenting votes. 
At the close of the state convention, Mr. Allison, of Cass 
county, moved a suspension of the rules to enable him to 
offer a resolution supporting the proposed constitutional 
amendment granting woman's suffrage. It was voted down 
by almost a unanimous vote, and the Democrats thus offi- 
cially declared against the movement. 

There was one declaration in the platform of this con- 
vention which reflected the general sentiment within the 
state not only of the Democrats but also of the Republican 
majority in the state legislature. It declared that " rail- 
way and industrial interests ought to be reciprocal," and 
" the legislature ought to secure reasonable and uniform 
rates of freight." 

The influence of the Granger element was thus apparent 
in both parties. The nominations were made with unusual 
care, as the locality and vocation considerations were of 
great importance in the appeal to the less frequently repre- 
sented classes. The Democratic ticket thus became the 
favorite of the Granger element, especially since Mr. 
Chamberlain, the gubernatorial nominee, was an agricul- 
turist. Four candidates were taken from the Reformer's 
ticket, as has been stated, and one originally named by the 
Democrats was later adopted by them. The ticket was a 
very strong one, and the platform was certainly unobjec- 
tionable.^ 

The Congressional nominations were made with greater 
care, if possible, than the state ticket in order to insure the 
support of the agricultural class. There was a general 

' Free Press, Sept. n; Argus, Sept. 18. For comment Eve. News, 
Sept. 15. 



171 ] THE SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY lyi 

expectation that a union would be effected between the 
Democracy and the Reformers in the Congressional nomi- 
nations and this proved to be the case in the first and 
fourth districts. Furthermore a strong opposition to the 
Republican incumbents had grown up in the first, fourth 
and sixth districts, and the Democratic candidates accord- 
ingly found strong support. 

THE ELECTIONS OF 1874 

The October elections, especially in Ohio, Indiana and 
Iowa, greatly encouraged the Democrats. In a triumphant 
address the state chairman declared : " The people of 
eleven states have now spoken. The popular verdict 
against corrupt rulers has been rendered." ^ 

An opportunity so favorable to the Democracy of Mich- 
igan had not occurred since the formation of the Republican 
party. The result was what the Republicans themselves were 
frank to call " an unprecedented repulse of Republicanism 
in Michigan." The Republican following fell from 61.84 
per cent to 50.46 per cent in the gubernatorial vote, and 
this change of over 10 per cent of the total vote was the 
greatest within the period of this study.^ It will be re- 
membered that the Reformers had several joint nomina- 
tions with the Democracy and these commanded a vote 
similar to that of governor. The tide of opposition ap- 

1 The address was signed by the chairman, Foster Pratt, and the 
other four members of the Committee. Argus, Oct. 16. 

Bagley received 111,519. Chamberlain 105,550 and Carpenter, Tem- 
perance, 3,937. The Repubhcan candidate won this year by the small 
majority of 2000, while two years ago it was over 57,000. The votes 
of Manitou and Presque Isle were not received in time for the count, 
but swelled the vote for the Republican candidate 92, the Democrat 
154. The other state officers received an average vote of 112,000. The 
Prohibition vote on governor was tripled and rose to 1.78% of the 
total vote. 



172 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [172 

peared in the election of 14 members to the state Senate 
and 47 to the House, reducing the Republican joint ma- 
jority to 10.^ The results of the Congressional elections 
were probably the most important of the year, for the 
Democrats carried the first, fourth and sixth districts, 
which had been strongly administration two years before. 
The Republicans won in the other six districts, but re- 
ceived small majorities. 

The vote on the constitution disclosed a stronger oppo- 
sition to it than mere Democratic hostility, as it was re- 
jected by a vote of 124,039 to 39,285. The separate 
proposition of woman's suffrage received a somewhat 
larger vote and a stronger repudiation, the opposition ma- 
jority approximating three-fourths in each case.^ 

The result was declared by Republican organs a " re- 
buke " to their party, but " not a political revolution." It 
was admitted to be a " purification of the party by ridding 
it of a number of unworthy leaders over whose downfall 
few regrets will be felt," except in so far as those who de- 
served a better fate were " caught in bad company " and 
rebuked accordingly. " Purged of its elements of weak- 
ness the Republican party will emerge all the stronger," 
declared the Post, but " Congress must get out of the paper 
money business as soon as it can." ^ 

The party was more odious to the Reform and Granger 

• There were only 18 Republicans in the Upper House, and 53 in the 
Lower, whereas their membership in the previous legislature was 31 
and 94 respectively. 

^ Mich. Aim., 1875; Mich. Man., 1875, pp. 236-240; Trih. Aim., 
pp. 86-7; McPherson, 1874. pp. 63. 64. The press material of greatest 
value was found in the following journals; Post, Adv. and Trib., Eve. 
News, Free Press. Jackson Cit., Argus, Hillsdale Standard, Battle 
Creek Daily Eagle, Kal. Gazette, Kal. Tel., Lansing State Rep., Tra- 
verse City Herald, Muskegon News. 

* Post, Nov. 9, 1874. 



173] ^^^ SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 173 

elements than was the Democracy, while its prohibition 
sympathies alienated the German element. The adminis- 
tration of state finances by Treasurer Collier elicited harsh 
criticism and the large surplus with continued taxation 
embittered many taxpayers who would otherwise have 
supported the Republican party. It was felt that its tacit 
sympathy with the woman's suffrage movement had in- 
jured the party, but more damaging, it was conceded, was 
Sumner's " Civil Rights Bill ", which was left hanging 
over the country. " Probably this will prove the final end 
of attempts at class legislation," asserted the leading Re- 
publican organ of the State, with reference to that bill. 
" But," it continued reassuringly, " the Democratic legis- 
latures will enact so much class legislation that a reaction 
will occur in favor of the Republicans." Probably the 
greatest mischief was wrought by the " inflation talk of 
last winter," it was widely admitted; and this was certainly 
true. Thus the Republicans in Michigan for the first time 
in their history had occasion to analyze the many causes 
that contributed to what seemed to them an overwhelming 
defeat, and in their adversity they were compelled to be 
truthful. 

The results of the fall election, coupled with the victory 
of the opposition over Chandler the succeeding January, 
mark the climax of Democratic influence during this 
period. In the past the Democracy had suffered from the 
disadvantages of the war and the Republicans had secured 
virtually an absolute hold upon the state. In 1870, the 
Democrats were much encouraged, only to meet utter de- 
feat in the great catastrophe at the next election. In 1874 
no alliances were entered into, and the coalition candidates 
were nominated in separate conventions at different times. 
A greater tendency to combine would probably have been 
fortunate, inasmuch as four minor factions existed and 



174 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [174 

two subordinate tickets. The Anti-Prohibition and 
Granger elements nominated no tickets, but the latter had 
great influence with the Democracy. In the Fourth Con- 
gressional District the opposing elements united under the 
suggestive name of Independents, and their candidate, who 
was a Reform Republican of long standing, was success- 
ful.^ The Independents, Reformers and License Men had 
many of the features of the Democratic party, while the 
Prohibitionists could have merged with the Republicans. 
The era of small parties had now begun and with the ap- 
proach of the settlement of the great issues of the last 
twelve years, popular feeling centered about the less im- 
portant questions and tended to over-emphasize them. The 
dissension among the Republicans this year on the currency 
question was a clear forecast of the Greenback party which 
was to frame its first national platform the next campaign. 

THE DEFEAT OF CHANDLER 

The Senatorial situation in Michigan in the winter of 
1874-75 was often compared by the anti-Chandlerites to 
that in Wisconsin, Minnesota and Maine, where there were 
hopes of defeating the three absolute leaders, Carpenter, 
Ramsey and Hamlin respectively.^ One of the earliest ex- 
pressions of distinct opposition came from the Advertiser 
and Tribune, which recommended the names of the three 
popular Justices of the Supreme Court as possibilities — 
Campbell, Cooley and Christiancy. Its denunciation of the 
caucus system and its demand for Chandler's retirement 
naturally provoked the resentment of the Post, and the 

' i\llen Potter over Julius C. Burrows. The " Independent " move- 
ment of this year is not generally distinguished from the Reform and 
Democratic coalition which occurred in the Congressional nomination. 

* "A Trio in Tribulation," Boston Post, cited in the Free Press, Jan. 
I, 1875. 



175] "^^^ SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 175 

month of November found the two journals in a contro- 
versy which brought both sides of the issue clearly before 
the people/ There was a strong movement in favor of 
Webster Childs, the choice of the Granger element, and 
this was a part of the arrangement previously mentioned 
in connection with the Congressional nomination of the 
second district. The Tribune advised the Democrats " to 
stand ready to elect an anti-Chandler Republican if a real 
Democrat could not be found." The disaffected Repub- 
lican minority refused absolutely to support any Democrat. 
and of the two elements of the opposition, the latter was 
the more ready to make concessions and accept the condi- 
tions imposed upon them by their allies. It was believed 
by some that it had been Chandler's aim to effect a whole 
series of re-elections in the state legislature which had been 
strongly Republican, and this would culminate in his own 
re-election.^ 

There was an obvious schism in the Republican party 
on the grounds of personal attitude towards Chandler, and 
each side was supported by prominent journals."'' Elab- 

' The numbers of the Adv. and Trib., for Nov. 10, 13, 27, are of 
special interest. As early as July there was speculation as to the out- 
come of the contest and the expression of personal opinions. 

* Chicago Tribune, Sept. 3, 1874; mentioned in the Argus, Sept. 11. 

* A distant observer, the Boston Post, remarked that only thirty-six 
of the one hundred thirty-six party journals of the state supported 
■Chandler. It would be impossible to verify this statement but it was 
not, at least, improbable. Among the most influential defenders of 
the Senator were the Post, Lansing State Rep., Grand Rapids Daily 
Eagle, Kal. Tel., Marshall Statesman, Bay City Chronicle, Saginaw 
Valley News, Menominee Herald, Monroe Commercial, Pontiac 
Gazette, and Ionia Sentinel. His most powerful enemies were the 
Free Press, Evening News, Lansing Journal, Argus and Grand Rapids 
Detn. There was a movement started to establish an opposition Re- 
publican paper in Grand Rapids to combat the Eagle, and one of the 
prime movers of this enterprise was Edward P. Ferry, brother of 
Senator Ferry. 



176 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [176 

orate plans were laid by the Chandlerites to " whip in the 
wavering," and after the arrival in Lansing of Judge Ed- 
munds, Chandler's most reliable friend, the program was 
fully arranged. The lobby was immense. Besides public 
accommodations private houses were thrown open to the 
guests invited to visit Lansing for the Senatorial election, 
and their lodging and traveling expenses were provided 
for out of the Republican campaign fund. It was claimed 
that the enemies in the legislature numbered only two indi- 
viduals, both of whom would shortly be conciliated by 
threats or by promise of offices. It was also said that 
Chandler had been strengthened by securing the support of 
the entire delegation from the Upper Peninsula on the 
pledge to vote for a measure making that portion a separate 
state. Yet whatever may have been the external appear- 
ance, Chandler's friends were not hopeful. 

The Republican Senatorial caucus was planned for Wed- 
nesday evening, January 6th, in order to bind as many 
Republicans as possible before unfavorable news could 
come from Wisconsin, but it was postponed until a stronger 
force could be mustered. Chandler arrived that evening, 
held a reception, and greeted many guests. The next day 
a conference was held and it was thought best to employ 
conciliatory means to win over the disaffected. He sent 
two messengers to Mr. Childs inviting him to call, but the 
latter refused both times and replied that Chandler " must 
call on him ". The opposition had not yet agreed upon any 
candidate, for they were strongly opposed to the caucus 
system, which had tended to fall into disrepute. They ap- 
peared, however, to act in perfect harmony — a fact which 
caused the Chandlerites much uneasiness. 

On Thursday evening, January 7th, the caucus was held, 
and the votes were distributed as follows: Chandler 52, 
Webster Childs 3, Bagley and Campbell each one. The 



177] '^^^ SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 177 

nomination was later made unanimous, but this fact was . 
not significant, for fourteen Republican members refused 
to participate. Ten days later the Chandlerites held an- 
other conference and the opposition declined an invitation 
to join. The latter met in a separate convention to await 
the action of the Chandler men, but became tired and ad- 
journed. The regular conference remained in session three 
hours and was characterized by one present as " an har- 
monious confusion ". They finally appointed a committee 
to meet the opposition the next day, but this was unavail- 
ing. The breach widened and the excitement increased on 
the part of the regular element, including Chandler him- 
self. He was personally superintending the details of his 
campaign, and even the Post did not favor the active part 
he took in his own behalf.^ 

Tuesday, January 19th, was the day set for the election, 
and great crowds thronged the capitol and filled the aisles 
of the chamber. It was to be a protracted suspense, how- 
ever, as a majority would not be attained until the third 
day. On the first ballot the House vote was divided among 
fourteen names, the Senate, ten. It was surprising that the 
Democrats should have cast such a scattering vote, as it 
greatly tended to their disadvantage. Chandler received 
46 votes, all Republican, and among the last in the list 
was Christiancy, supported by only two Republicans. Next 
to Chandler the strongest candidates were George V. N. 
Lothrop, Henry Chamberlain and Orlando M. Barnes, 
who received respectively seventeen, twelve, and seven 
Democratic votes, and Webster Childs, who was supported 
by four Republicans. In the Senate there was also a large 
scattering vote, Chandler receiving seventeen votes and 
Christiancy only two. 

1 Post, Jan. 8, 13, 1875. 



178 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [178 

Another ballot was taken the next day, Wednesday, 
January 20th, when the joint vote for Chandler was 64, 
for Lothrop 60, for Christiancy 5, and for Childs 3 
Chandler had gained the support of one vote since the first 
ballot, and now needed but three more to be elected. But 
on the other hand, the sixty Democratic members of the 
legislature had now united and given their combined sup- 
port to Lothrop. They had consistently refused to resort 
to the caucus plan, and seemed able at last to approach 
unanimity. Of the fourteen Republicans who bolted the 
regular caucus which nominated Chandler, seven had 
turned to his support. Seven, however, remained obstinate 
and this fact was most encouraging to the Democrats. 
Chandler had received 64 votes out of a Republican mem- 
bership in the legislature of 71, and if these persistent op- 
ponents of Chandler's could be won over by the Democ- 
racy, the victory would be theirs. 

Meanwhile the Democrats and anti-Chandler Repub- 
licans held secret meetings, and the result of their discus- 
sions was the agreement that if a man satisfactory to both 
parties could be found, they would unite and secure hi.s 
election. All available candidates were discussed, but the 
choice was not large. It was the Republican faction which 
had previously voted for and now proposed Isaac P. 
Christiancy, and the selection was a fortunate one. On 
the 2 1st of January the third ballot was taken and the 
crowd of eager spectators was greater than before. When 
the roll was called Adair led off with Christiancy, and the 
election resulted in Chandler's defeat by a vote of 67 
to 40. 

Thus on the first ballot Chandler lacked four votes of 
an election; on the second he lacked only three, but the 
Democrats had concentrated upon a candidate of their 
own; and on the third, a coalition was formed between 



179] -^^^ SCHISM IN THE REPUBLICAN PARTY lyg 

them and the seven anti-Chandlerites which succeeded in 
defeating Chandler, to his complete surprise and utter 
chagrin. He hastened back to Washington without form- 
ally taking leave of his friends in Lansing or stopping 
in Detroit, and his failure to secure a fourth term was 
probably a more bitter disappointment than repeated de- 
feats had been to Austin Blair. 

In his " downfall ", the successful opposition could see 
the passing of an absolute and arbitrary leader whose hos- 
tility to amnesty and southern rights and bitterness toward 
members of a party sympathizing with southern interests 
had kept alive unfortunate animosities for an unneces- 
sarily long period of time. Furthermore, his defense of 
centralizing tendencies clearly contrasted with the conser- 
vative views of Christiancy on the question. Personally 
he was odious to many because of his violent partisanship, 
and a tendency toward unnecessarily bitter denunciation of 
his opponents. His loyalty to the Republican party passed 
all bounds of conviction, and his want of financial scruples 
in campaign work was not always exaggerated by the op- 
position. 

This marks the high-tide of Democratic success within 
the period of this study — or at least of anti-Republican 
success — as three Representatives and a Senator of this 
class were among the Michigan delegation. To the Granger- 
inclined Democrats, it appeared to mark the " beginning of 
the people's rule and the end of the politicians." ^ 

' The references consulted were S. Jour., 1875, pp. 91, loi ; H. Jour., 
pp. 126, 135-7; Mich. Coll., vol. xxix, pp. 500-1; vol. xxxv, pp. 494, 
504; Post and Tribune Life of Chandler, pp. 337-9; Free Press, Eve. 
News, Post, Adv. and Trib., Lansing State Rep., and Argus for the 
closing months of 1874, and especially January i to 25, 1875. 



CHAPTER VII 

The Politics of 1876 and the Restoration of Repub- 
licanism IN Michigan 

MICHIGAN AND FEDERAL POLITICS OF 1 875 

The issues which were most generally discussed in 
Michigan as elsewhere in 1875 and 1876 were reform, 
resumption, and the completion of reconstruction legisla- 
tion as exemplified in the Force Bill and Civil Rights Act. 
The Democrats arraigned the administration party for 
" profligacy in every department of public afifairs, extra- 
ordinary public frauds and crimes in the District of Colum- 
bia, and the attempt to foist General Grant upon the coun- 
try a third time." ^ The Republicans themselves empha- 
sized reform in their call, March, 1876, for the state nomi- 
nating convention.' They made few attempts at apology, 
and boldly eulogized the administration. 

The resumption of specie payments was always one of 
Chandler's favorite policies. On December 22, 1874, the 
Resumption Bill passed the Senate and both he and Ferry 
gave it their favorable vote. January 7th it passed the 
House, and six of the nine Michigan members voted in the 
affirmative.^ This measure was unsatisfactory to certain 

• Free Press, Oct. 22, 1875. 
2 Cf. infra, p. 189. 

* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 69-73. The yeas were Begole. Bradley, 
Burrows, Waldron, Williams, Willard. Moses T. Field voted nay, 
Conger refrained from voting at all, and Hubbell was absent from 
Washington. Congressional Record, pp. 208, 319, 459. 

180 [180 



l8i] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM jgi 

individuals in both parties, who insisted that resumption, 
though four years distant, was premature/ 

The last months of the Forty-third Congress saw not 
only the solution of the currency problem, but the close of 
legislation upon the subject of reconstruction. The Force 
Bill proposed to give the President the power to suspend 
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in Louisiana, 
Arkansas. Mississippi and Alabama for " two years and 
from thence until the end of the next session of Congress 
thereafter." ^ The House debates show the opposition of 
one Michigan Representative, George Willard, to the 
policy of " despotism in the South." He deprecated " any 
and all legislative action which should result in still further 
inflaming the public mind." ^ " Conditions a year ago 
were far less disturbed than now," he observed, " due to 
partisan manoeuvres in two of the southern states and the 
utterly reprehensible conduct of certain unlawful combi- 
nations." He advocated a policy of reconciliation in place 
of coercive legislation, and his objections to the bill were 
based upon the constitution. " The suspension of the 
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus," he insisted, " was 
conceded by the constitution only in case of rebellion or 
invasion, and that either of these contingencies now exists, 
no man will pretend." Furthermore, he declared it impos- 
sible to frame a federal law that should not apply alike to 
all states. Lastly, he believed that further coercive fed- 
eral legislation for the South was not only destructive of 
material prosperity, but tended to the continued stagnation 
of business and the depression of industrial activity 
throughout the country. 

1 Palladium, Oct. 8, Nov. 19, 1875. 

* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 89-90. 

* Cong. Record, H. R. no. 4745, Feb. 26, 27, 1875, pp. 1836-9, 1935 ; 
Mar. I, 2, pp. 1940, 2035. 



1 82 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [182 

Of the Michigan delegation Juhus C. Burrows was the 
most ardent defender of the bill and he declared this to be 
the only way to secure peace. ^ The House voted February 
27, 1875, and Willard alone of the Michigan delegation 
appeared against it. The Democrats in the state expressed 
great satisfaction that " one Michigan Congressman cut 
loose from the extremists." ^ The Republican sentiment 
within the state was not unanimously in sympathy with the 
bill and the more liberal journals rejoiced when the Senate 
failed to take action upon the measure. 

The Civil Rights Act was the outcome of a bill presented 
as a memorial to Charles Sumner, and provided that 
negroes be accorded equal rights in inns, public schools, 
public conveyances and theatres or other places of amuse- 
ment, and that they be not disqualified for service on juries." 
Probably the most ardent defender of this measure also 
was Julius C. Burrows, who claimed to believe that " this 
enactment was dictated by the highest considerations of 
public policy, and the simplest demands of individual jus- 
tice." A system of separate education would, he declared, 
incur double expense and tend to foster race prejudice and 
hostility. On February 4, 1875, the bill passed the House 
and every Michigan member voted in the affirmative.* 

To the Democrats, the bill appeared to be a device by 
which the leaders of the Republican party could stir up 
discord between the blacks and the whites of the South, 
in order that more data could be obtained for use in the 
coming campaign. Some thought during the pending of 

* Cong. Record, Feb. 27, 1875, p. 1923-5. 

* Free Press, Feb. 28, 1875. The friends of the bill were the Post, 
Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, and Lansing State Rep. The Adv. and 
Trib., Jackson Cit. and Kal. Tel. were far less enthusiastic. 

» Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 90-91. 

*Cong. Record, H. R. no. 796. Feb. 4, 1875, pp. 999-TOii. 



183] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 183 

the bill that the Senate would pass it, notwithstanding the 
lateness of the session and the exigencies which might 
force its abandonment.^ This anticipation proved to be 
well founded, for the Senate passed the House Bill 38 to 
26, with Chandler and Ferry both voting in the affirmative. 
On the first of March, it received the approval of the Presi- 
dent.=^ 

The spring elections were now approaching, and early 
in March occurred the state conventions, none of which 
framed resolutions. The Democrats met in Jackson, 
March 2nd, and made nominations which were adopted by 
the " Reformers " who convened the next day in Lansing. 
On March 3rd. the Republicans met in Jackson, indorsed 
Benjamin F. Graves for Justice of the State Supreme 
Court, and named Byron M. Cutcheon and Samuel L. 
Walker for Regents of the University. The candidates of 
the Democrats and Reformers were strong ones, and as 
politics were usually less rampant in the spring elections 
than in the fall campaigns, the Republicans did not win 
with a great margin.^ It was said that the Democracy at- 
tempted to win over Austin Blair this spring by choosing 
him a delegate to their convention, but as he failed to ap- 
pear, the alliance was not yet effected. 

The years 1875 and 1876 saw not only the culmination 
of radical reconstruction within the southern states and 
the attendant negro rule, but also its final overthrow by the 

» Free Press, Feb. 7, 1875. 

*Cong. Record, Feb. 27, 1875, p. 1870; Mar. i, p. 2013; Free Press, 
Mar. 3, 4. 

» The nominations of the Democracy and Reformers included Ben- 
jamin F. Graves for Justice of the State Supreme Court, and Samuel 
Douglass and Peter White for Regents of the University. For suc- 
cessor to the vacancy of Isaac P. Christiancy in the State Supreme 
Court, Isaac Marsten, candidate of the Republicans, defeated Lyman 
D. Morris, the Democratic nominee. Free Press, Post, Mar. 3, 1875. 



l84 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [184 

establishment of white supremacy or " home rule ". In 
Alabama the Democrats had succeeded in 1874, and the 
next year a new constitution was adopted/ Arkansas had 
received a new constitution in 1874, and set the machinery 
of state government in motion. Early the succeeding year 
President Grant was thwarted in his plans of intervention 
by the adoption of the resolution of non-interference 
framed by the House committee under the chairmanship 
of Luke P. Poland. This resolution declared that " in the 
judgment of this House no interference with the existing 
government in Arkansas by any department of the Gov- 
ernment of the United States is advisable." ^ The Repub- 
lican opinion in Michigan with reference to Arkansas was 
divided. There were some members who could always be 
depended upon to defend Grant, and after Poland's reso- 
lution was adopted, they very naturally felt that " political 
chaos and rebel supremacy would become the order of the 
day." ^ 

Louisiana had been suffering under a corrupt govern- 
ment maintained by federal authorities, and the approach- 
ing election tended to aggravate the difficulties. The Colfax 
and Coushatta massacres which had occurred in 1873 ^"^ 
1874 continued to furnish the Republicans grounds for 
agitation, while the fraud practised by the returning board 
after election of members of the legislature, and the ex- 
pulsion of five Democratic members from the legislature 
early in 1875 afforded the Democrats ample subject-matter 
for bitter invective.* 

They were most deeply incensed, however, by the mes- 

^ Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 83-4. 

» Ibid., pp. 86-88. 

» Post, Mar. 8, 1875. 

* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 112-115. 



ig^] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 185 

sage of Sheridan, who had been sent by the President to 
New Orleans to investigate the actual conditions there, 
and to assume military command. On January 5th he sent 
his first telegram in which he characterized certain persons 
in New Orleans as " banditti ", and in a second message, 
he recommended the "trial of the ring-leaders of the armed 
White Leagues ".^ The President imposed far greater 
confidence in Sheridan than in Schurz and others with 
more generous views. The liberal report of Foster, 
Phelps and Potter, three Representatives sent to investi- 
gate affairs in New Orleans, was made public early in 1875, 
and highly pleased the Democracy and less radical Repub- 
licans. A second favorable report was made a little later 
by Hoar, Wheeler and Frye, which proved that many of 
the Republican campaign charges were fabrications. Upon 
these revelations the Democrats rejoiced openly. 

The Republicans in Michigan apparently were not ser- 
iously divided in their views on the policy of intervention. 
The indignation which was expressed by members of the 
party in other states was not general in Michigan, but was 
rather manifested by the Democracy. The supporters of 
Grant and of Chandler in Michigan invariably defended 
the policy of federal intervention and, while the second 
faction was less radical, it also tended to side with the ad- 
ministration rather than make concessions to the Democ- 
racy. The Independent and Democratic Journals, on the 
other hand, expressed bitterness and disgust at the desire 
of the Republicans to make political capital for the next 
election out of the disorders in Louisiana.^ 

In Mississippi the process of Africanization was com- 
plete in 1873 and corruption and extravagance were preva- 

1 Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 119-122. 

* Eve. News. Mar. 11; Free Press, May 13, 1874. 



1 86 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [ig6 

lent in their worst forms. In the midst of such conditions 
Lucius Q. C. Lamar delivered a eulogy on Charles Sumner 
in Congress, April 27, 1874, and presented the southern 
point of view in such a way as to appeal to the sentiment 
of the North/ There were a few Republicans of the 
milder type in Michigan who responded sufficiently to de- 
clare that " under the existing conditions in Mississippi, 
' it was only a great spirit who could speak as Lamar did 
of Sumner/ and it was hoped that ' perhaps the Northern 
point of view would be influenced somewhat by sentiment 
in the last resort.' " ' The Democrats at once took occa- 
sion to draw an apt comparison. 

What would Chandler take to speak in so impartial a fashion 
of Lamar, for instance, or any of the leading contemporary 
spirits of the South, as Lamar did of Sumner? Isn't it prob- 
able that he would have indulged in unpleasant personalities 
which would have overshadowed the broader unselfishness 
manifested by the Mississippian? ^ 

In December the misgovernment and exorbitant taxa- 
tion, particularly in Warren County, led to a riot at Vicks- 
burg and the re-establishment of combined negro and 
carpet-bag government under the protection of federal 
troops. Another Vicksburg conflict and riots at Yazoo 
City in the fall of 1875 were incidental to the preparations 
of both parties for the election on November 2nd, and 
when Governor Ames asked for federal troops they were 
denied him — much to the pleasure of the Democrats and 
the more liberal Republicans. The radical element in 
Michigan attributed all the blame to the whites and re- 

' Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 100-102. 

* Adv. and Trib., April 29; Jackson Daily Cit., Apr. 30, 1874. 

• Free Press, Apr. 30, 1874. ; 



£87] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 187 

fused absolutely to consider their grievances. " The 
sooner the White Leaguers learn to respect a legitimate 
government of the majority," said a leading radical organ, 
" the better it will be for them." ^ The liberal element ad- 
mitted that the experiences were most trying, but declared 
the only remedy to be prompt and absolute submission of 
the whites.^ The differences between the two views was 
one of intensity, rather than principle. 

By a sweeping victory at the polls November 2. 1875, 
the Democrats won the state ticket in Mississippi, most 
of the local offices, a large majority of the legislature, and 
four out of six members to Congress.^ Mississippi was 
now redeemed from negro rule; in December the House 
of Representatives admitted the Mississippi members, but 
not until March, 1877, was L. Q. C. Lamar admitted to 
the Senate. The radical element throughout Michigan de- 
clared that only fraud and violence could accomplish this 
result, and they would have been pleased to see the Presi- 
dent overturn the new system.* The liberal members agreed 
that illegitimate means had been employed by the Democ- 
racy, but refused to advocate interference, and the Demo- 
crats expressed unbounded joy.^ 

South Carolina had suffered from the corruption and 
extravagance of negro-carpet-bag rule during the six years, 
1 868- 1 874. In the last named year, Daniel H. Chamber- 
lain was elected Governor, and though a Republican and 
native of Massachusetts, his administration was absolutely 
impartial. He was sustained by Republicans in Michigan 
of all shades of opinion, and the Democrats unhesitatingly 

> Lansing State Rep., Sept. 12; Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 103-4, i30-2- 

* Adv. and Trib., Oct. 19, 1874; Jackson Daily Cit., Nov. 2. 
» Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 137-9- 

♦ Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Nov. 5, 1875. 

^ Adv. and Trib., Nov. 4; Eve. News, Nov. 6. 



l88 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [igg 

declared him " a rare individual among the heterogeneous 

mass of office-seeking invaders of the South." ^ 

During the period embraced in this brief resume the 
main subject of politics in Michigan as elsewhere was the 
outcome of reconstruction in the several southern states. 
The Republican party clearly presented two elements — 
radical and liberal — of which the former tended to domi- 
nate the latter in Michigan and it is extremely improbable 
that the policy of the administration alienated a single 
member from the Republican party in Michigan. 

During the last half of December, 1875, and January of 
1876, there was considerable discussion of the Universal 
Amnesty bill, introduced into the House of Representatives 
by Samuel J. Randall. It provided for the removal of all 
disabilities remaining under the Fourteenth Amendment, 
and Blaine, who had earlier favored a similar measure, now 
excepted Jefferson Davis, and took occasion to deliver a 
bitter invective against Davis and the treatment of North- 
ern prisoners.^ He declared that the ex-Confederates 
swept into Congress by the Democratic victories of 1874 
were a source of danger, and he sought to revive the war 
issues and the war spirit as completely as possible. This 
was clearly understood by the Democrats as an attempt to 
defend and justify the rigid policy of the administration 
in the South and to reinstate the earlier war issues in the 
campaign of 1876.^ Blaine's conduct was inexplicable on 
any other grounds. The Republicans rallied loyally to his 
support, and a representative organ declared that " while 
there may be some differences in opinion among Repub- 
licans as to the wisdom of omitting Jeff. Davis from an 

1 Kal. Gazette, Jan. 30, 1875 ; Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 161-7. 

* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 179-80. The Amnesty Bill did not re- 
ceive a two-thirds vote, and thus failed to pass the House. 

* Free Press, Feb. 4. 1876. 



189] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 189 

act of general amnesty, yet the party everywhere insists 
that rebel leaders shall seek their pardon before it is 
granted." ' Again, it observed that " amnesty is parallel 
to the pardoning power, and its exercise must be guided 
by discretion, since it is different now, with a Democratic 
House, from what it was in the Forty-third Congress 
where the Republicans constituted the majority. - 

MICHIGAN AND THE REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTIAL TICKET 

This year each of the two leading parties met twice in 
state convention, once for the appointment of delegates to 
the national convention, and again for the nomination of 
a state ticket. As early as January, the call was issued for 
the first Republican convention. The selection of Grand 
Rapids for the meeting was a concession to the west and 
northwest portions of the state, whose majorities were 
large and reliable, and who asked the favor with much 
earnestness." The invitation to join the party was ex- 
tended to " all in favor of the prosecution and punishment 
of all official dishonesty, and of the economic administra- 
tion of the government by honest, faithful capable offi- 
cers." * The element of reform was thus a prominent 
feature of the Republican program, and the responsible 
organs of the party rarely attempted to defend the scandals 
of the administration. 

As the time approached for the nominating convention, 
the problem of presidential possibilities continued puzzling. 
" In other presidential elections, Michigan Republicans 
had a presidential candidate ready, but this year, they have 
none," remarked a reliable party journal.' On May loth, 

1 Post, Jan. 15. " ^'ost. Jan. 18. 

' Adv. and Trib., Feb. 2. 1876. 

* Ibid., Jan. 15. ^/did., Apr. 25. 



IQO THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [i^q 

the convention met and among the prominent Republicans 
present were Governor Bagley, Senator Ferry, and Zacha- 
riah Chandler. The delegates elected to Cincinnati, of 
whom William A. Howard was one, reflected the uncertain 
attitude of their party, and were far from agreement in 
their choice of presidential candidate. Certain prominent 
journals gave out a division in favor of Blaine over Bris- 
tow by a proportion of i8 to 4. Others believed that the 
former had but 1 1 supporters, the latter 7, Hayes 3, Morton 
one. It was well known when the delegates were elected 
that a small majority favored Blaine, while those who sup- 
ported Bristow were not very firm.^ The party leaders 
themselves within the state did not agree in their prefer- 
ences. Chandler insisted upon Blaine, even as late as 
Thursday, June 15th." Governor Bagley favored Hayes 
from an early date, and William A. Howard preferred 
Morton. As a result, the delegates were uninstructed and 
thus were free to exercise their individual preferences. 

The National Republican Convention met in Cincinnati, 
June 14th. On the previous day the Michigan delegation 
assembled, and a few of the members representing the in- 
terests of the Post desired to have Chandler included in 
the national ticket, but he did not encourage it and his 
name was dropped after the first test ballot. When the 
first test vote for President was taken by the Michigan dele- 
gation at 11.30 on the morning of June 13th, Bristow re- 
ceived II, Blaine 6, Hayes 3, and Chandler i. Howard, 
who had previously preferred Morton, came over to Hayes' 
support in time to cast one of the three votes on this ballot. 
On the second test vote the Michigan name disappeared, 

^ Adv. and Trib., May 10, 27, 1876; Free Press, May n, 13. 

2 On June 15 he telegraphed Eugene Hale at Cincinnati: "The eyes 
of the country are upon the Michigan delegation. They must vote 
for Blaine." 



igi] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM igi 

Blaine led with Hayes second, and Bristow received but 
one vote. The friends of the last complained that Mich- 
igan had been instrumental in defeating him as they be- 
lieved that, had the delegation held together for him, he 
would have been nominated. The steady accessions to his 
support at first indicated this result, but his votes were lost 
to Hayes. ^ 

The Michigan delegation with but one exception had 
agreed before going into the convention upon Hayes as 
second choice. When Blaine took the lead, it was known 
that if the fifth ballot were not decisive, Connecticut would 
throw her vote for Hayes. To take the first step in what 
promised to be a successful movement, the Michigan men 
decided to come out for Hayes, themselves, on the fifth. 
In the first four ballots of the Michigan members, Bristow 
had led, Blaine followed, with Hayes a close third. Will- 
iam A. Howard, the Chairman of the Michigan delegation, 
had already stepped into the aisle to state the vote of the 
fifth ballot, when the one persistent Blaine supporter 
yielded, and the unanimous voice of the state was declared 
for Hayes. Referring to him, Howard declared, " there 
is a man in this section who has beaten in succession three 
Democratic candidates for President in his own state." 
and he wished to " give him a chance to beat another 
Democratic candidate for the Presidency in the broader 
field of the United States." ' 

^ Adv. and Trib., June 13, 14; Eve. News, June 17. 

* Official proceedings of the National Republican Convention, pp. 250, 
305. 323, 330, 345, 370, 371. Numbers of the Eve. News, Adv. and 
Trib., Post, Lansing State Rep., and Argus for June. The ballots of 
the Michigan delegation were as follows : 



Ballot 


Bristow 


Hayes 


Blaine 


Conkling 


I 


9 


4 


8 


1 


2 


9 


4 


8 


I 


3 


ID 


4 


8 




4 


II 


5 


6 




5. 6. 7. 




22 







192 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [192 

The Republican organs were pleased to believe that 
Michigan's action had changed the trend of the votes and 
secured the nomination of Hayes. It undoubtedly caused 
the concentration of scattering votes to some extent, and 
however decisive the influence of the Michigan delegation 
may have been, the matter was a subject of much self- 
praise on the part of Republican organs.^ After the con- 
vention there were genuine regrets expressed for Blaine's 
defeat and it was hoped by some Republicans that " he 
might grace a cabinet position the next fall." The Demo- 
crats felt that " Blaine, the favorite candidate of the Re- 
publicans, had been slaughtered for Hayes, who was him- 
self a strong candidate." ^ The election of Chandler by the 
national convention to the chairmanship of the national 
Republican committee and the executive committee was 
effectively exploited by the Democrats on the ground that 
the party indorsed the notorious system of extortionate 
campaign assessments.^ They also foresaw the possibility 
of an arbitrary and unscrupulous management of the cam- 
paign this year, for the political methods of Chandler were 
well known to everybody. 

STATE POLITICS OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY 

The personal politics of 1876 were unusually interest- 
ing, and the crossplans of several of the leaders with refer- 
ence to the senatorship greatly complicated the Republican 
state campaign. There was a strong movement afoot for 

' Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 206-212. The persons chiefly respon- 
sible for the solid vote were Dr. Rynd of Adrian, and \V. G. Thompson 
and Dr. Kiefer of Detroit. 

^ Adv. and Trib., June 19. Also Marshall Statesman, June 29; 
Benton Harbor Times, June 30. 

" Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, p. 223; Haworth, The Hayes-Tilden Dis- 
puted Election of 1876, p. 42; Free Press. June 15. 



193] -^^"^^ RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 193 

William A. Howard's candidacy for governor, and this 
apparently originated in Washington, D. C. As Mr. 
Howard was at this time sixty-three years of age and too 
infirm to assume the responsibilities of that office, the 
movement at first caused much uncertainty and consterna- 
tion. It was well known that Chandler aspired to return 
to the Senate, and the earliest time at which this could be 
accomplished was on the expiration of Ferry's term in 
March of 1877. Probably the strongest rival besides the 
incumbent himself would have been William A. Howard, 
and the purpose was soon understopd to be the safe dis- 
position of the latter who could not then oppose Chandler 
in the contest. This would have occasioned a break be- 
tween Chandler and Ferry, which many believed would 
never occur, as they had always been congenial save on the 
currency question. Besides completely disposing of 
Howard, the success of this scheme would have crippled 
Ferry for the senatorship. The western portion of the 
state would be satisfied — or at least appeased — by supply- 
ing an incumbent for the gubernatorial office, and the 
selection of a Senator from the central or western quarter 
would not be considered so imperative. The suspicion that 
there were designs upon Ferry's seat in the Senate became 
strengthened by the proposal to have Ferry's name brought 
before the Cincinnati convention with reference to the 
Vice-Presidency. The Senator did not decline absolutely 
but it was clear that his preference was to remain in his 
present position. 

Another solution of the Howard problem was volun- 
teered after Chandler's denial of the imputed senatorial 
designs on his part. It was said that Governor Bagley as- 
pired to Ferry's place and thought it advisable to forego 
a re-election in order to be free for the Senate. Whatever 
were the impelling motives for this agitation, it was gen- 



194 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [194 

erally suspected that Howard was the candidate of the 
" Chandler Ring," and the position of Charles M. Cros- 
well, the " People's Candidate ", was strengthened. The 
movement did not arouse the enthusiasm expected and 
Howard himself was not in favor of it. 

The state Republican convention to nominate the state 
ticket was held at Lansing, August 3rd. The platform 
which it adopted was exclusively a eulogy of the party and 
its candidates, and contained no declaration on the tariff 
or currency. The renomination of Charles M. Croswell 
for governor and successor of Charles Bagley was ac- 
claimed unanimously without the formality of a ballot. 
He had been a State Senator from 1862 to 1868, Represen- 
tative from 1872 to 1874, and president of the constitu- 
tional convention of 1867. His abilities as a parliamen- 
tarian were a potent factor in his popularity as well as his 
interests in all charitable and penal reforms. The other 
names on the ticket were not among the best known in the 
state, and the Democrats declared that several were com- 
promises with the Granger element.^ 

THE DEMOCRACY 

The Democrats of the state were no nearer unanimity 
in the matter of presidential candidate than were the Re- 
publicans. There was early mention of William Allen, 
General Hancock, Judge David Davis, and Charles Francis 
Adams, while Tilden and Hendricks were naturally the 
leading preferences. The hard-money element rebelled at 
William Allen, and Davis and Adams were not considered 
sufficiently partisan. It was remarked that enough experi- 

1 The personal politics of the time and the state convention are dealt 
with most fully in the Post, Adv. and Trib. and Eve. News, for June, 
July and August. Most of the discussion took place after the first 
state convention when the main interest of the party v»^as the selection 
of state and Congressional candidates. 



195] '^^^ RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 195 

meriting had been done in 1872 with candidates with a his- 
tory not thoroughly Democratic/ 

The state Democratic convention to choose delegates 
to the national convention met in Lansing, May 24th, 
with William L. Webber as temporary chairman, and it 
was declared the largest and most enthusiastic in fifteen 
years. Of the twenty-two delegates elected, at least two- 
thirds were known to favor Tilden, and by some it was 
thought that eighteen would vote for him. Their first 
trial ballot taken at St. Louis, on Wednesday evening, 
June 27th, the day before the national convention opened, 
disclosed a vote of 14 for Tilden, 6 for Hendricks, and 2 
for Seymour. There was great disappointment over the 
small vote for Tilden and a dissension among the members 
from Michigan caused some alarm. Mr. M. L Mills had 
been chosen delegate over Mr. Wells on the understanding 
that the former would support Tilden, but being disap- 
pointed in not receiving the chairmanship of the delega- 
tion, he wasted his vote for Seymour. When the first 
ballot of the convention was taken, the disaffection had 
disappeared and the two Seymour votes were turned over 
to Hendricks.^ On the second ballot Tilden received all 
but the three votes of Blair, Burrows and Chamberlain, 
who persisted in supporting Hendricks.^ The completed 
ticket, Tilden and Hendricks, met with the general ap- 
proval of the Democracy within the state. 

Besides the choice of delegates the Lansing convention 
of May 24th had other important business before it. A 
struggle had been in progress for some time between fac- 

^ Argus, Apr. 28, 1876. 

2 The eight votes for Hendricks were cast by Austin Blair, Bower, 
Burrows, Chamberlain, Mills, Shoemaker, Stimson and Turner. 

' Official Proceedings of the National Democratic Convention, 1876, 
pp. 144. 146. 



196 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [ig6 

tions of the party over the currency question. Great ap- 
prehension was expressed by hard-money advocates with 
reference to possible unwise action on the part of the state 
convention, and warnings were uttered against any anti- 
resumption resolutions, or declarations which " could be 
tortured into nullifying any of the old issues settled by 
the war." ^ The proceedings of the convention clearly 
exhibited the differences within the party. Two reports 
were presented from the committee on resolutions. That 
of the majority embodied twelve resolutions dealing mostly 
with general party principles and justifying tariff on 
grounds of revenue only. The minority report declared 
that " Sixteen years of Republican rule has entailed upon 
the country vast indebtedness, national and domestic," and 
denounced all measures " making the payment of indebt- 
edness more burdensome." The Resumption Act was de- 
clared a " sharp legislative device in the unwarrantable 
interest of the creditor class, calculated to enrich the few 
and sacrifice the best interests of the many." The minor- 
ity demanded its repeal and that of the Act of 1873 demon- 
etizing silver. After an extended debate the majority re- 
port was adopted with the exception of the tariff resolu- 
tion, which was laid on the table. The lines were obviously 
drawn on the currency question and the vote stood 157 to 
70 in favor of hard money. A large number of delegates 
had left the convention when the vote was taken but all 
seemed satisfied with the work. 

The Democracy thus officially repudiated the anti- 
resumption tendencies of a minority of its members, and it 
was certain that at least a majority of the delegates chosen 
to the St. Louis Convention hoped for the nomination of 
the hard-money candidate. The currency issue was. how- 

1 Speech of Hon. W. P. Wells of Detroit before the State Con- 
vention, Argus, June 2. 



1^7] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM iQ)y 

ever, a delicate matter and was cautiously handled by the 
leaders throughout the campaign. From the omission of 
positive declarations in its platform, it was evident that a 
negative policy was to be pursued by the Democracy, and 
tactful arrangements were made for the state nominating 
convention in August. 

It might be questioned whether the Democrats of Mich- 
igan were traditionally a hard-money or a soft-money 
party. They had proudly stood forth in 1874 and pre- 
sented a united opposition to the soft-money tendency 
which threatened to cause a schism in the Republican party. 
The Grand Rapids Democrat, one of the strongest advo- 
cates of paper money, considered the hard-money tendency 
of the Michigan Democracy in 1874 " a mistake and an 
exception." ' The fact that a large minority of the party 
two years before preferred a permanent paper currency 
gives some support to this declaration. Furthermore, as 
the Greenbackers united with the Democrats in three names 
on the state tickets this year, the two parties obviously had 
something in common. It is safe, however, to assert that 
the Democracy in Michigan was less disposed to favor 
paper currency than in many other states during this period. 

The Democratic state central committee met in Detroit, 
June 7th, and devised an elaborate plan of organizing 
political clubs in every town and city. The committee was 
composed of younger men than dominated the other party, 
and it was urged that this class be introduced into all 
committees from the local to the Congressional. Secret 
aid was promised to the Prohibitionists in order to draw 
heavily from the Republicans. The greenback question was 
to be carried into the western Congressional conventions, 
but strictly excluded from the State Convention. This 
omission, it was thought, could be partially compensated 

1 Apr. 20. 



ig8 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [198 

for in the adoption of a series of reform resolutions. A 
compromise would be made with Henry Chamberlain, the 
Greenback candidate for Governor, who would be re- 
quested to withdraw from the candidacy for governorship 
and accept the nomination for Congress on a Greenback 
platform. His friends believed he could carry his district 
in this way as it was inclined in that direction.^ 

The regular state convention for the nomination of a 
state ticket met in Detroit, August 9th. The platform was 
drawn up along the lines indicated by the state central 
committee, and indorsed the previous state and national 
resolutions. William .L Webber, who had been chairman 
of the Michigan delegation to St. Louis, was nominated 
by Peter White for governor. He was the leader of the 
Anti-Chandler forces in the state legislature of 1875, ^"^ 
was considered a strong candidate. Three of the names 
on the state ticket were later adopted by the Greenback 
party, and being joint nominations they received stronger 
support than the other candidates." Strangely enough, 
Austin Blair, once a strong Republican, had become by this 
time fully in sympathy with the Democratic party of the 
state, and was chosen elector-at-large by the side of G. V. 
N. Lothrop, who had never been allied with the Republican 
party. This event is the last stage in the progress of 
Blair's political career. He had served as the strongly 
Republican War Governor, i860- 1864, he had been guber- 
natorial candidate of the combined Reform and Democratic 
parties in 1872, and was now chosen an elector-at-large by 
the Democracy in 1876. 

THE GREENBACK PARTY 

The tendency in Michigan to favor cheap currency had 

■ Eve. News, June 8. 

* Free Press, Aug. 10, 11. 



199] ^^^ RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 199 

been shunned by the Democracy in 1874, and after almost 
causing a schism in the Republican party it was finally 
overcome by the hard-money majority led by Chandler 
and Jacob M. Howard. The Greenback faction, however, 
gained strength during 1875, and by February of the suc- 
ceeding year it was evident that they had determined to 
enter upon the presidential campaign as a separate and in- 
dependent party with their own candidates and platform/ 
Early in February, the Greenbackers of the various states 
called a National Convention to meet in Indianapolis, May 
17th, and already in January and February, state conven- 
tions had been held in Indiana and Illionis. The Repub- 
licans in Michigan were confident that the " Independents," 
as the Greenbackers called themselves, could not carry a 
single state, and that there was no danger that they would 
throw the election into the House. "If the Democratic Na- 
tional Convention should nominate a real inflationist like 
Allen of Ohio." the Advertiser and Tribune declared, " the 
Greenback faction would be of hardly greater account in 
the election of 1876 than were the straight Democrats in 
1872. But, should both parties defend hard money, the 
new movement would probably develop somewhat such 
strength as did the Free Soilers in 1848 and 1852," the 
journal continued, " and seriously impair the political situ- 
ation in Michigan as well as in Indiana, Illinois, and Ohio."^ 
It was thought far better if they separated from the two 
main parties than if they remained with them, as their in- 
fluence in the latter case was sure to be disastrous.^ 

The Greenbackers this year did organize as a separate 
party and they held a preliminary convention in Jackson, 

' Adv. and Trib., Feb. 4, 1876. 

* Feb. 21. 

* Ibid., Apr. 5. 



200 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [200 

May 3rd/ This body framed a platform which demanded 
the unconditional repeal of the Resumption Act, and de- 
clared it " the duty of Congress to so regulate the volume 
of currency that the rate of interest shall never be greater 
than the increase of wealth by productive labor." It de- 
fended the " efforts of the laboring class to improve their 
condition " against the charges that they were " commu- 
nistic and incendiary," and demanded the reservation of 
the public lands for actual settlers. 

On August the 29th the Greenbackers held their state 
nominating convention. They named Levi Sparks for gov- 
ernor and adopted the Democratic nominations for lieuten- 
ant-governor, auditor-general, and state treasurer. They 
also made independent nomination in the first, second, third 
and seventh Congressional districts, and in the fourth, fifth 
and ninth they accepted the Democratic candidates. In 
the two other districts no action was taken. ^ 

There was a very friendly relationship existing between 
the Democratic and Greenback parties during this cam- 
paign, and the Republicans intimated that it was not an un- 
selfish one. The Democracy, it was said, hoped to win 
through the Greenback party, by inducing all the Repub- 
licans possible to vote the Greenback ticket, and all the 
Greenbackers possible to vote the straight Democratic 
ticket. In this way, the new party became a convenient 
medium through which the Republican party could be 
weakened and the Democracy reinforced by a judicious 
distribution of dubious voters.^ To what extent this plan 
was worked by the managers of the state Democracy can- 

^ Free Press, May 5; Palladium, May 12; Ann. Cyc, pp. 551-4- The 
Niles Mirror and Battle Creek Journal were Greenback sheets but no 
files of them for this period have been available to me. 

* Free Press, Aug. 30. 

* Post, Oct. I, 27, 1876; Lansing State Rep.. Nov. 3. 



20l] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 201 

not be known, but it is very probable that the Republicans 
had some grounds for their suspicion. 

In addition to the three parties in Michigan above men- 
tioned the Prohibitionists revived and rallied from their 
successive defeats at the polls. They held their state con- 
vention in Detroit, March 22nd, and chose a state ticket 
headed by A. Williams for governor.^ Their platform 
demanded with some bitterness " the restoration of prohi- 
bition " in place of legislative regulation of license for the 
sale of liquors. 

THE ELECTION OF 1876 

The campaign was waged in Michigan principally upon 
the currency question. It was the favorite charge of the 
Democrats that their opponents had given the country the 
Greenback currency, while the Republicans replied with a 
long list of charges of which the following are typical. 
The Democrats 

at first encouraged states rights, and thus secession and war ; 
when in power they refused to take steps against disruption; 
they showed sympathy vv^ith the rebellion, and when the vic- 
tory was near at hand, they declared in National Convention 
the war to be a failure ; since the war, they obstructed a peace- 
ful readjustment, and opposed in Congress and the several 
state legislatures the last three amendments ; they condoned 
the outrages of the whites against the negroes in the South, 

and in general, were said to " contain the worst elements 
of society." " Meantime, election approached. The expec- 
tations of both parties before the election seemed very 

^ In the first five districts the Prohibitionists later made nominations 
to Congress. 

* Post, Sept. 22, 1876, copying from the Republican Magazine edited 
by the radical element in Michigan. Unfortunately no copies have 
been available. 



202 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [202 

conservative. The Republicans repeatedly assured them- 
selves that the Democratic triumph of 1874 was " tempor- 
ary and exceptional ". However, they predicted that there 
was no reason for either party to expect " a tidal wave 
bringing them a great majority." ^ 

The prophecy was not a false one. In both the presi- 
dential and the state elections, the Republicans polled a 
little over 52 per cent of the total vote of the state, and this 
was obviously no " great majority ". The fact that Grant 
had received 63.86 per cent of the entire popular vote in 
1872 and Hayes but 52.27 per cent this year, apparently 
disclosed a large decline in the dominant party." This is, 
however, somewhat less serious than it appears, since many 
Democrats refused to vote for Greeley in 1872 and thus 
gave the Republicans a larger proportional following than 
they otherwise would have had. As this unusual condition 
of affairs no longer existed, a position nearer equilibrium 
was attained, and the party balance reacted in favor of the 
Democracy. 

The vote for governor was very similar to that for Presi- 
dent, and the support of the other members of the state 
ticket closely approximated that of the governor." Mr. 
Croswell, the successful candidate, was fifty-one years of 
age and a prominent lawyer of Adrian. In personality and 
politics he was highly respected by both parties, and the 
most serious comment ever passed upon him during the 
campaign was " his lack of positiveness ". 

' Adv. and Trib., Nov. 5. 

" Hayes received i66,goi, Tilden 141,595, Cooper, the Greenback 
candidate, 9,060; Mich. Aim., 1877, pp. 13-65; Trib. Aim., 1877, pp. 
83-85 ; Mich. Man. 1877, pp. 209-212. These votes include the returns 
from the counties of Chippewa, Mackinac and Schoolcraft v^rhich were 
not received in time for the official canvass but w^hich show the party- 
preferences of those localities. 

' Croswell received 165,926, Webster 142,492, Sparks 8,297, and Wil- 
liams, 874. Mich. Man., 1877, pp. 213-294; Mich. Aim., 1877, pp. 13-24. 



203] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 203 

In the Congressional elections, the Republicans were as 
a rule victorious. In the first district alone was a Demo- 
crat, Alpheus S. Williams, elected to Congress. His ma- 
jority was somewhat larger than it was two years before 
when as a Democrat and Reform candidate, he defeated 
Field, the Republican.^ 

In the state legislature, the Republicans showed the 
greatest gains. Their joint majority rose from 10 to 64 
and their membership now exceeded three-fourths of the 
body. The Upper Peninsula remained divided, and in the 
five upper tiers of counties, which showed a tendency 
toward the Democracy in 1872, the Republicans were 
strongly predominant. In the central portion the latter 
were also in the majority, but in the south the parties were 
as usual much more evenly divided.^ 

The Greenback vote varied widely but nowhere did it 
exceed 133^ per cent of the total vote, and this it received 
in Kent County. The party gained greater support in the 
counties of the lower west and south.^ The names on the 
Prohibition state ticket received on an average only 750 
votes this year, while the so-called " Temperance candi- 
dates " two years before polled 3,900 votes on an average. 
This falling-off was undoubtedly due to the activity of 
the State License party since 1874. The Prohibition can- 
didates for Congress in the first five districts received but 
little support, and in those which had made nominations 
for Congress in 1874, it was evident the support had de- 

' Mich. Aim., 1877, P- 66. The greatest Democratic gains are notice- 
able in Branch, Hillsdale, Houghton, Ionia, Kent, Lenawee and Van 
Buren Counties. 

' The most evenly balanced counties were Clinton, Ingham, Jackson, 
Livingston, Macomb, Oakland and St. Clair. 

* Allegan, Barry, Berrien, Branch, Hillsdale. Kent, Muskegon, Newago_ 
St. Joseph, Van Buren and Wayne. 



204 ^^^ POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [204 

creased. The Temperance advocates received a further 
discouragement by the adoption of the proposed amend- 
ment permitting the sale of intoxicating liquors under 
rigid regulations/ 

Besides the amendment providing for the licensed sale 
of liquors, two others were submitted to the people at the 
general elections. The proposition to increase the salaries 
of circuit court judges was again defeated by the close 
vote of 65,371 to 65,966, and that authorizing the submis- 
sion of the question of amendment or revision at spring as 
well as fall elections was adopted by a vote of 52,306 to 
21,684.- 

THE RE-ELECTION OF SENATOR FERRY 

At this point the Senatorial election can best be consid- 
ered; for though it did not occur until January, the story 
of Michigan and the contested election does not close until 
early in March. The latter subject will, therefore, be con- 
sidered last in order that it may not be interrupted. The 
Senatorial election of 1877 was less spirited than it had been 
for years. As Chandler was busied now with his duties as 
Secretary of the Interior and especially as Chairman of the 
Republican national committee, he did not interfere in the 
movement to re-elect Ferry this year. The career of the 
latter as a President of the Senate had made him more 
popular than any measures he had introduced or furthered 
— except perhaps his currency policy, which found support 
among the soft-money element. The opinion is now gener- 
ally expressed that he was politically a weak man and the 
fact was undoubtedly realized at that time, but fortunately 

^ An amendment to Section 47, Article TV. The vote was 60,639 in 
its favor, to 52,561 in opposition. 
^ Mich. Aim., i2>77, pp. 51, 64-66: Mich. Man., 1879, pp. 174-6. 



205] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 205 

for him there was no strong rival for the nomination. 
William A. Howard was too infirm to think of the Senator- 
ship, and Austin Blair had so far forsaken the Republican 
party that he had been placed on the electoral ticket of the 
Democracy in company with George V. N. Lothrop, a 
staunch hard-money Democrat. The position of Ferry on 
the currency question undoubtedly alienated many, though 
it secured for him a portion of the vote of the Greenback 
party. Resumption was now provided for, and the im- 
portance of the currency question was diminished to such 
an extent that it no longer formed the main criterion of 
party judgment. It was Ferry's parliamentary ability that 
was undoubtedly the strongest in his favor, and the impar- 
tiality he showed in presiding during the electoral count 
was to confirm the high regard in which he was held. 

At first it was expected to run Governor Bagley in oppo- 
sition to Ferry, but the movement was not a strong one. 
In the Republican caucus of the state legislature held 
Wednesday evening, January 3rd. not a half-dozen mem- 
bers could be found to support Governor Bagley, and as 
his friends decided to withdraw his name, Ferry was 
chosen by unanimous vote. His brother, Edward P. Ferry, 
addressed the caucus and expressed appreciation for the 
nomination. It was true that " a hard-money party had," 
as the Democrats observed, " selected as its candidate one 
of the softest of soft-money fanatics." ' 

There was far more rivalry among the factions of the 
Democratic party. On January nth, the Democrats held 
their legislative caucus at which thirty-one were present. 
Three ballots were taken, the first two of which were m- 
formal, the last formal. There were three possibilities— 

1 It was decided at this caucus that each Congressional district should 
second Ferry's nomination, but no action was taken in the first dis- 
trict in which Bagley resided. Adv. and Trib., Jan. 4, i877- 



2o6 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [206 

General Charles S. May, once a supporter of Johnson, and 
now a prominent Democrat who had several times been 
candidate for high state offices, and the two Democratic 
electors, Austin Blair and General G. V. N. Lothrop. On 
the first ballot, May led with 1 1 votes, Blair followed a 
close second with 10, and Lothrop ranked last. On the 
third ballot, May received 18 votes, Blair 13, while Lothrop 
received none, and on the motion of Senator Shoemaker 
the nomination of May was made unanimous. It is ob- 
vious that Blair was not far from gaining the candidacy, 
and had he succeeded, he would then have accomplished 
the rare political feat of first serving as War Governor and 
Republican Representative in Congress and after a few 
years becoming the Senatorial candidate of the Democracy. 
The election took place January i6th, and Thomas W. 
Ferry, the Republican candidate, was again chosen Sen- 
ator. The joint vote was 94 to 32 in Ferry's favor, and 
one of the two senatorships was thus provided for until 
March 3, 1883.^ 

The Democrats were not silent upon the question of 
Ferry's election. " Governor Bagley found the office-hold- 
ing element under Chandler too strong." insinuated a 
Democratic journal, and Chandler personally was very 
hostile to any candidate from Detroit." ^ As Chandler was 
at the time Secretary of the Interior and not a candidate 
for the office, it might be wondered why he should wish to 
defeat a resident of Detroit. The reason lay in the fact 
that he expected to run for the next Senatorial election, 
and understood the significance of the " locality principle," 
which required a territorial balance of representation in 
the upper house of Congress. 

*i Senate, 23 to 9, House 71 to 23. H. Jour., 1877, pp. 147-9; Post, 
Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Jan. 12, 1877. 
» Free Press, Jan. 6, 1877. 



207] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 207 

MICHIGAN AND THE DISPUTED ELECTORAL COUNT 

The Presidential election and the Hayes-Tilden con- 
test were watched in Michigan as elsewhere with a zeal 
that overshadowed the interest in both the State elec- 
tions and the choice of Senator. From November 8, 1876. 
to March 3, 1877, the attention of both parties was directed 
exclusively to the outcome of the controversy, with no in- 
terruption except the Senatorial election in January, which 
commanded far less interest this year than usual. It is 
generally believed that several members of the National 
Republican Committee attempted to establish a Republican 
victory by issuing bulletins and sending messages the 
morning following the election, declaring Hayes President. 
At a very early hour the morning of November 8th, William 
E. Chandler wrote three telegrams to this effect, " Hayes 
is elected if we have carried South Carolina, Florida, and 
Louisiana," and one was sent by him and Mr. John C. 
Reid, news editor of the New York Times, to the Return- 
ing Board of each of the three states. 

It was also during the early morning that Zachariah 
Chandler, the National Republican Chairman, wrote the 
telegram which has become well known, " Rutherford B 
Hayes has received 185 electoral votes and is elected," and 
sent it over the wires of the Associated Press. The motive 
was alleged by the Democrats to be a conspiracy among 
leading Republican politicians to take advantage of the un- 
certainty expressed in a message of William Barnum to 
the New York Times, concerning the three doubtful south- 
ern states and Oregon.^ 

^ Chandler wrote this telegram seated in his office in the Fifth Avenue 
Hotel, New York City, the headquarters of the National Committee. 
William Barnum was the Chairman of the Democratic National Com- 
mittee. Haworth, The Hayes-Tilden Disputed Election of 1876, pp. 
50-52; Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, p. 228, and note; Post and Tribune 



2o8 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [208 

On the same day, November 8th, the Detroit Free Press 
on the other hand declared victory certain for the Demo- 
crats, and the succeeding day it announced the election of 
Tilden as an accomplished fact. The same organ declared 
there were no grounds for doubt, as the party was sure of 
victory " unless there should be cheating." During these 
three anxious days the leading Republican journals never 
admitted defeat, and on November nth the Advertiser and 
Tribune ventured to assert that South Carolina, Louisiana, 
Florida and Mississippi had gone Republican. However. 
November 13th, it was generally conceded by both parties 
that the uncertainty would be protracted, though at the 
same time each claimed the victory. 

The two views concerning the correct method of count- 
ing the electoral vote in Congress were held in Michigan, 
as elsewhere, by members of the two opposing parties. 
Some of the Republicans in Michigan, led by Chandler, de- 
clared that to the President of the Senate belonged the 
power to count the electoral votes. The Constitution pro- 
vides that " the President of the Senate shall, in the pres- 
ence of the Senate and the House of Representatives, open 
all the certificates and the votes shall then be counted." 
Upon this provision, then, a group of Michigan Republi- 
cans claimed for Mr. Ferry the exclusive right to count 
the votes — however unwilling he may have been to assume 
the responsibilty — and the two houses they considered 
were witnesses rather than participants in the process. 

The main subject of controversy was the twenty-second 
joint rule which provided that the electoral vote of any 
State could be excluded by either house. This rule had 

Life of Chandler, p. 356 et seq.; Foulke, Life of Oliver P. Morton. 
p. 432; Mich. Coll., vol. xxix, p. 593; North American Review, "The 
Death Struggle of the Republican Party," by George W. Julian, p. 282; 
Eve. News, Apr. 6, 1877. 



209] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 209 

remained in force since the election of 1864, but as it had 
not been re-enacted by the present Congress, it could not be 
considered as binding upon it, and either house could law- 
fully refuse to acquiesce in its further application. As the 
majority of the House were Democratic, it was obvious 
that should the rule be considered still in force, they would 
throw out the returns from the Republican authorities in 
the three doubtful southern states, South Carolina, Florida 
and Louisiana, and thus secure the election of Mr. Tilden. 
The majority of the Republicans were therefore strong 
opponents of the joint rule, while the Democrats were its 
staunch defenders.^ 

On December 7th, while this question was receiving gen- 
eral discussion, George W. McCrary, a Representative 
from Iowa, proposed a plan by which the question of joint 
rule could be evaded by the appointment of a Joint Com- 
mittee on the Election by the Senate and the House. Both 
bodies adopted a resolution to this effect and promptly ap- 
pointed their respective committees of seven, in which the 
only Michigan member was George Willard of the House. 
When, after almost a month had elapsed, this Joint Com- 
mittee was found to be powerless in effecting an adjust- 
ment of the two conflicting views, it was again McCrary 
who devised a plan which he hoped would be successful.^ 
This was developed by January 13th in the secret sessions 
of the Joint Committee, of which McCrary was a mem- 
ber, and provided for a tribunal of fifteen whose member- 
ship was to include five Representatives, five Senators, and 
five Justices of the Supreme Court. As it was known that 
the Senate would choose Republicans and the House Demo- 
crats, it was obvious that the political status of the Com- 
mission as a whole would be determined by the preference 

' Burgess, Reconstruction and the Constitution, p. 283 et seq. 
* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 248, 250-1. 



21 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [210 

of the majority of the Justices. This was left to chance, 
by excluding by lot one of the names of the six senior As- 
sociate Justices. The plan became generally known by 
January 15th, and was opposed in Michigan by members 
of both parties, who urged the impropriety of leaving so 
grave a problem to be settled by lot.^ 

After various attempts at agreement upon a satisfactory 
organization of the Commission, Senator Edmunds de- 
vised a plan acceptable to all the members of the Joint 
Committee save Morton, and framed a bill providing that 
" no electoral vote or votes of any state from which but 
one return has been received shall be rejected except by the 
affirmative vote of the two Houses." In the cases of states 
from which there were more than one return — Florida, 
Louisiana, South Carolina and Oregon — all such returns 
and papers must be submitted to the judgment and de- 
cision of an Electoral Commission. This body was given 
the same form of organization as that under McCrary's 
plan, except the choice of the fifth justice by the first four.* 

As fortunate and commendable as was this proposition, 
there was a considerable element of opposition to it in 
Michigan, headed by Zachariah Chandler. He vigorously 
objected to the measure and declared there was but one 
agent by whom the votes could be counted and announced, 
and that was the President of the Senate. Generally, how- 
ever the Edmunds plan met with very friendly support in 
Michigan, among both the Democrats and less extreme Re- 
publicans.' 

* Post, Jan. 16, 1877, with the views of Chandler and William A. 
Howard. 

' Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, p. 255 ; Post and Trib. Life of Chandler, 
p. 358; Post, Jan. 21, 1877. 

* Argus, Free Press, Eve. News, Jackson Daily Citizen, for the 
month of January. 



2 1 1 ] THE RESTORA TION OF REPUBLICANISM 2 1 1 

The bill was introduced into the Senate by EdmundS; 
January 20th, and Christiancy, who had returned from 
Columbia, South Carolina, whither he had gone as member 
of the Investigating Committee, made a short speech in its 
favor/ It was passed in the legislative session of Janu- 
ary 24th, with Christiancy among those voting in the affir- 
mative, and Ferry among the absent.^ On January 26th, 
the bill came to a vote in the House, and here it was op- 
posed by three Michigan members, all of whom were Re- 
publicans — Omar D. Conger, Jay Hubbell and Henry 
Waldron.^ The Democrats throughout the state were well 
pleased with the passage of the Electoral Bill, and expressed 
the hope that the Commission would not confine itself to 
merely clerical duties but would not hesitate to go behind 
the returns. They assured themselves that " each house 
alone or both houses together could go behind returns, and 
therefore the Electoral Commission can do so." ^ On the 
other hand, it was apparent that the Republicans were not 
of the same opinion, using as their main argument : "Where 
would the investigation end if the commission should go 
behind the votes and inquire into their validity ? " ® 

In pursuance of the new Electoral Commission Act. the 
Senate and House each chose their five members vive voce, 
January 30th. In the Senate neither Michigan member 
was mentioned, but both favored the five who were chosen. 
In the House Willard, having received but two votes. 

» Cong. Record, pp. 886-8, [S. no. 1153-] 

• Cong. Record, p. 913; Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, p. 261. 

' Cong. Record, p. 1050. Those who had been on the whole most 
favorable were Allen Potter, William B. Williams, and George Wil- 
lard, while Nathaniel Bradley, George Durand and Alpheus Williams 
were less enthusiastic. Argus, Jan. 26, 1877. 

• Argus, Feb. 7, 1877. 

• Adz', and Trib., Feb. 2. 



212 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [212 

ranked eighth, and thus Michigan failed to be represented 
on the Commission/ 

The first case to go before the Electoral Commission 
was that of Florida, and and on February loth, that state 
was adjudged to Hayes by a vote of 8 to 7.- As the Com- 
mission had refused to investigate the returns, the Demo- 
crats were deeply disappointed and naturally considered 
the activity of that body as " narrow work ". They de- 
clared that as the Justices were not free from political mo- 
tives, the decision was " decidedly unpalatable ". While 
expressing high respect for Hayes, they considered that by 
the Florida decision " a great wrong had been done the 
country." ^ 

The next state to be considered was Louisiana, and re- 
ferring to its Returning Board Senator Christiancy con- 
fessed that he " had not felt and did not then feel a very 
high confidence in its integrity." He feared that " they 
may have sought to overcome by fraud, on their own part, 
the fraud, violence and intimidations committed by their 
opponents, thus creating a fearful clashing of wrongs 
which would not be likely to result in the attainment of 
right." " I have therefore," he continued, " felt that 
whichever party should triumph — that triumph would be 
no cause for exultation ; that it must be accepted without 
pride and not wholly without some feeling of humiliation 
at some unwarrantable means used by its friends for the 
attainment of their object." It is obvious that Senator 
Christiancy possessed a greater degree of frankness than 
most of the Republican leaders, but upon Sherman's reso- 
lution to accept the report of the Commission giving the 

^ Cong. Record, Jan. 30, pp. 1 108-9, iii3-4- Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, 
p. 263. 

* Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 265-9. 

* Free Press, Feb. 8, 1877. 



213] THE RESTORATION OF REPUBLICANISM 213 

electoral vote to Hayes, Christiancy voted with Ferry in 
the affirmative.^ 

The case of South Carolina was decided in the Commis- 
sion February 27th, and came before Congress on the suc- 
ceeding day. Senator Christiancy of Michigan had served 
with Cameron of Wisconsin and Merriman of North Caro- 
lina on the Committee of Investigation for South Caro- 
lina. He remained there and took testimony for over a 
month and declared February 28th that there was no evi- 
dence of any influence exerted upon the voters by the pres- 
ence of the military force. " The army was used simply 
to repress violence," he said, " and protect the lives of the 
colored people who were fleeing to the swamps. H it had 
not been there," he continued, " the rebels would have in- 
timidated negroes into voting the Democratic ticket." He 
wished it understood that he did not favor a permanent 
military government in these states. With reference to 
going behind the returns and inquiring into the question of 
fraud, he declared " a single presidential term would not 
be long enough " to complete this work. Upon the ques- 
tion of adopting the Commission's decision to give South 
Carolina to the Republicans, both Christiancy and Ferry 

voted yea.^ 

After all the thirty-eight states had been considered, the 
result was announced by Ferry at four o'clock Friday 
morning, March 2nd— which was the close of the session 
of the preceding day. Tilden had received 184 electoral 
votes, Hayes 185, and was elected.^ 

The flood of comment on the mornings of March 3rd 
and 5th included much that was bitter. If the Democracy 
of the state was fairly represented by its journals, it was 

1 Cong. Record, Feb. 19, 1877. p. 1683. 

» Cong. Record, pp. 2001-2 ; Eve. News, Feb. 29, i877- 

» Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 278-9. 



214 ^^^ POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [214 

true that the party believed it had been cheated out of its 
rightful victory/ It was not strange that their invective 
centered about Zachariah Chandler, the National Repub- 
lican Chairman, against whom charges were made of en- 
couraging an unscrupulous manipulation of the returns 
from the dubious Southern states. They alleged that one 
week before election Chandler declared: "If the result shall 
depend upon South Carolina, Florida and Louisiana, Hayes 
will be elected. W^e have the means to carry these states." * 
On Hayes' inauguration, a prominent Democratic organ 
called him a minority President but showed a strong ap- 
preciation of his policy. " He contemplates building up a 
Republican party in the South," it observed, " composed of 
some other elements than Scalawag Whites and ignorant 
Blacks. He designs a radically different policy from that 
which was pursued by the late administration." ' Such 
was the optimistic attitude of a Democratic daily, towards 
a Republican President who took office under color of ille- 
gality. 

* Free Press. Eve. News, Jackson Patriot, Kal. Gazette, Lansing 
Courier for the days immediately following the announcement. 

' Argus, Nov. 10, 1876, Mar. 9, 1877. 

* Free Press, Mar. 6, 1877. » 



CHAPTER VIII 
A Resume of the Politics of Michigan, 1877-1878 

THE CLOSE OF RECONSTRUCTION AND THE GENERAL ISSUES 

OF 1877 

The early part of 1877 saw the withdrawal of federal 
troops from Florida, South Carolina and Louisiana and 
the supremacy of the white Democracy in those states. 
Previous to his election Hayes had not declared his policy 
with reference to the South, but the opinion became gen- 
eral that he would not continue the policy of federal inter- 
vention. He was not to be considered a deserter, however, 
since Grant himself would have entered upon a more lib- 
eral policy in reconstruction, had he continued in office, and 
a certain element of the Republican party also was willing 
to make concessions/ The others were strongly opposed 
to any deviation from the rigid plan of enforced 
negro suffrage secured by the intervention of United 
States troops, and these very soon came to be known as 
the " Stalwarts ". 

At the time of the inauguration of President Hayes 
there were claimants of both parties to the state offices in 
South Carolina and Louisiana. The former was first to 
receive attention. After a consultation with both Cham- 
berlain and Wade Hampton, Hayes decided to withdraw 
the federal forces from Columbia, and on April loth the 
Republican administration of Chamberlain gave way to 
Democratic rule under Wade Hampton.^ It was with this 

' Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, p. 286. ' Ibid., pp. 285-7. 

215] 215 



2l6 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [216 

event that there began an estrangement between Hayes and 
Chandler, and the breach was widened by the similar with- 
drawal of federal military support in Louisiana accom- 
panied by the triumph of Nicholls and the Democracy, 
April 24th/ The opposition of Chandler was potent 
enough to cause all praise and commendation of the Presi- 
dent to be omitted in the State Republican platform of the 
following year." 

During the last months of 1877 the silver question was 
uppermost in national politics, and elicited much local com- 
ment. The Republicans in Michigan, with Chandler at 
their head, objected to the proposal of Mr. Bland of Miss- 
ouri, to restore the silver dollar to free coinage as had 
been the case before 1873. The Allison Amendment desig- 
nated the amount of silver bullion to be purchased for this 
coinage provided for in the Bland Act.^ During the clos- 
ing months of the year 1877 and the early part of 1878 the 
question received full discussion in the journals of the 
state. In answer to a Republican criticism that silver 
would drive gold out of circulation should the Bland bill 

1 Rhodes, op. cit., vol. vii, pp. 287-9. 

* The comment of the Post during the summer of 1877 was more 
unfriendly than after its consolidation with the more liberal Advertiser 
and Tribune, October 14, 1877. In the number for Dec. 21, the blame 
for Hayes' policy was removed from the President and laid upon the 
cabinet, " whose advice showed it to be out of harmony with the 
majority" of its party. 

' This act required the government to purchase every month not less 
than $2,000,000 nor more than $4,000,000 worth of silver bullion, and 
coin it into dollars at the rate of 371^/2 grains of fine silver for each 
dollar, and these were made full legal tender. There was thus added 
to the currency a large amount of debased money, as the legal and 
market ratios of silver to gold varied widely. Furthermore, the in- 
creased demand thus created for silver failed to raise its price. 

Dewey, Financial History of the United States. 

Laurence J. Laughlin, History of Bimetallism in the United States, 
ch. xiii. 



217] ^ R£SUM£, 1877-1878 217 

with the AlHson amendment become a law, a Democratic 
organ repHed in the following manner : 

It is not impracticable to keep two metals in circulation, each 
in its own sphere with the rate properly adjusted, and inves- 
tigation will show what the ratio between the two metals 
should be. It is quite certain that limiting the amount of coin- 
age or the extent of its use as legal tender would appreciate 
silver.^ 

Such was a statement of principle found in a leading 
Democratic journal of the state, but on grounds of prac- 
tical expediency, the organ was not favorably disposed 
toward the Bland-Allison measure. There were some 
Democrats in the state, however, who were not hostile to 
the bill with the amendment, and the greenback element 
strongly urged its passage. 

The Republicans in Michigan as elsewhere were not in 
harmony upon this issue, and the division cannot therefore 
be traced to party affiliations. Senator Ferry of Michigan, 
the well-known defender of paper currency, appeared as 
the persistent advocate of silver, while his colleague, Sen- 
ator Christiancy, was among the strongest opponents of 
the silver measure. In his long speech of January 30, 1878, 
Mr. Christiancy said in part : 

This silver mania . . . seems to me a very peculiar disease. 
... Its intensity seems to be manifested very nearly in pro- 
portion to the proximity of the victims to the great bonnza 
mines. It seems to have passed to the people, attacking with 
most severity those most deeply in debt.^ 

On February 15th, the Bland Bill with the Allison 

> Free Press, Dec. 5, 1877. 

* Laughlin, op. cit., p. 192, footnote i ; Globe, vol. cxxxvi, pp. 666-71 ; 
for a second important speech delivered Feb. 6, 1878, ibid., pp. 792-6. 



2i8 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [218 

Amendment passed the Senate by a vote of 48 to 21, with 
Ferry voting in the affirmative, and Christiancy in the 
negative.^ Six days later it passed the House by a vote of 
203 to y2, with eight Michigan members expressing them- 
selves favorably, and one not voting.^ On February 28th, 
the President's veto message was received," and on the 
same day the bill was repassed by the House, in which only 
two Michigan members opposed it, and by the Senate 
where Ferry continued his support and Christiancy re- 
frained from voting/ 

The comment throughout the state showed differences 
of opinion within both parties. The majority of Michigan 
Republicans in Congress had certainly thrown their influ- 
ence in favor of the bill, and thus proved themselves 
friends of a silver currency. It cannot be ascertained what 
view was predominant in the state, but several of the lead- 
ing organs declared themselves out of sympathy with 
Ferry, and defended the position of Christiancy.^ 

The time was approaching when preparations must be 
made for the election of 1878, and the organization and 
issues of the several parties in Michigan will now be con- 
sidered. 

THE NATIONAL GREENBACK PARTY IN MICHIGAN 

The Greenback party continued to flourish in Michigan 
after 1876. but during the succeeding year and a half there 

' Globe, vol. cxxxvii, p. 11 12. 

2 Globe, p. 1284. Edwin W. Keightley was a Republican not voting. 

» Ibid., pp. 1418-9. 

♦ The vote in the House was 196 to 73, in the Senate 46 to I9- The 
two Representatives who voted in the negative were Alpheus S. Wil- 
liams, the one Democrat, and Charles C. Ellsworth, a Republican. 
Globe, pp. 1420, 141 1. 

^ Lansing State Rep., Feb. 23, Mar. 2, 1878; Grand Rapids Daily 
Eagle, Feb. 25. 



219] ^ RRSUME, 1877-1878 210 

developed some slight differences of view which tended to 
weaken the party. The faction within the state who 
termed themselves " Nationals " favored the issue of bonds 
not convertible into coin, but payable in greenbacks, while 
the " Greenbackers " opposed bonds of any kind because 
of their interest-bearing character. The leader of the 
latter was Ralph E. Hoyt, of Jackson, and of the former 
was Moses Field, a well-known Republican with paper cur- 
rency inclinations. The necessity for harmony was appar- 
ent, and on May loth the call was issued for a state con- 
vention, June 5th, " to effect a more perfect union." ' 

It was understood generally that " should the difficulties 
be adjusted, there will be cause for anxiety on the part 
of the Republicans." ^ Both the " Nationals " and the 
" Greenbackers " declared against any " entangling alli- 
ances ", and the Republicans in turn refused to make any 
concessions. There were indications, however, that a con- 
siderable number of votes would be deflected from the Re- 
publican party, and should the new organization — if such 
should be formed — find very strong support, the Democ- 
racy would have an easy victory.^ 

The convention met at Grand Rapids, June 5th, effected 
a coalition which was of great interest to both of the regu- 
lar organizations, and gave themselves the name of " Na- 
tional Greenback Party." 

The purposes of the movement as set forth by George 
Willard, the temporary chairman of the convention, were 
" to create a national paper and suppress bank issues ". 
The interests of the party in general were not sectional 
but national, he declared, and its object was to secure a 
nationally-recognized currency — hence its name. It also 

^ Free Press, May 11, 1878. 

' Eve. News, June 5. 

* Eve. News, July 13, Aug. 3. 1878. ! 



220 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [220 

tended to represent the interests of the laboring and the 
debtor classes. Both factions united in choosing Moses 
Field for permanent chairman, and proceeded to formulate 
their platform. 

The resolutions demanded the unconditional repeal of 
the " so-called Resumption Act " and the National Bank- 
ing Law, and required that paper be issued exclusively by 
the general government, " such paper money to be a full 
legal tender for all debts public and private." Resolutions 
were also adopted against the further issue of interest- 
bearing bonds. The party showed itself friendly to labor- 
ing interests by demanding a reduction of the number of 
hours of toil in order to give " more leisure for mental im- 
provement and saving from premature decay and death." 
The tariff plank was made carefully non-committal, merely 
expressing favor for " such laws as will best protect the 
industries of the nation and confer the greatest good on 
the greatest number." ^ The state ticket was headed by 
Henry S. Smith for governor. 

It was a debated question which of the older organiza- 
tions lost the more members to this new National Green- 
back Party. From the first it was understood that it would 
not form a coalition with either of the old organizations 
and its absolute independence and uncompromising char- 
acter tempted the Democrats to conciliate, for a time 
threatening to cause a schism in that party. There was 
some evidence, however, that after the nomination of the 
National Greenback state ticket, the members of Demo- 
cratic antecedents wished to withdraw from the " irre- 

' Grand Rapids Dem., June 7. The Adrian Press, June 14, declared 
that the " lack of intrinsic value only makes the greenback inferior 
because it can't be used as an international currency. However, the 
convenience and safety as paper money far over-balances its intrinsic 
inferiority." 



22 1 ] A RESUME, 1877-1878 221 

deemable party," ^ and a Democratic organ confidently pre- 
dicted that nine-tenths of them would return before elec- 
tion." Though there is no way of proving a statement of 
such a nature, it is a safe conclusion that the conscience of 
the Democracy was not on the side of an irredeemable 
paper currency. Nevertheless concessions were made and 
compromises reluctantly entered into in local nominations 
which seriously diminished the following of the older or- 
ganization. 

There was far less response on the part of Republicans, 
as most of them had been whipped into line with the tradi- 
tional hard-money policy of the party by the warnings of 
a few leading organs and by the defeat in 1874. As the 
district party platforms had almost always contained 
declarations in favor of hard money, the men of opposite 
inclinations promptly abandoned their former principles, 
or absolutely severed their party affiliations. There was 
little tolerance within the party for members of Greenback 
sympathies, and a state conference was held in Detroit, 
April 1 8th, to denounce the movement. A leading Repub- 
lican journal declared that of about seventy-five Republican 
organs in the state that had taken sides on the question, all 
but three favored the maintenance of specie payments. On 
the other hand, it stated that ten of the thirty Democratic 
journals had soft-money preferences, but this statement 
cannot be proven, and was probably an exaggeration.^ 
One notable instance of disaffection in the Republican 
party was not a surprise to anyone — that of Moses Field. 
He was the only member of the Michigan delegation to 
Congress who voted against the Resumption Act, and the 

1 Eve. News, June 6. 7. 1878. 

' Free Press, June 14. 

* Lansing State Rep., April 26, 1878. 



222 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [222 

next year he openly joined the new party and became the 
chairman of its state executive committee.^ 



THE REPUBLICANS 

The Republicans held their State Convention in Detroit, 
Thursday, June 13th, and chose Zachariah Chandler as 
permanent chairman. When he took the chair he indulged 
in a " ringing speech of fifteen minutes against the rebel 
conspirators at Washington," of which the following is a 
typical selection. 

Why are there so many here to-day ? The reason is obvious, 
there is danger in the country. The rebels have captured 
Washington, gained possession of one branch of the National 
Legislature by fraud, murder, assassination and torture, and 
they are liable soon to gain possession of the other. The 
Democrats have determined through revolution to overturn 
the Constitution and the Government.^ 

With reference to the money question he declared that, 
" the Republican party was the original greenback party, 
and no other class of men has any right to that name. The 
Republican party demands that one dollar in greenbacks 
shall be made equal to one dollar in gold or silver, and re- 
deemable in the latter." Later in his speech Chandler paid 
his respects in typical fashion to the National party, which 
he declared " an agglomeration of all the rascality in the 
nation." At the close of his address Chandler received 
tremendous applause, to which the Republican organs 
took great pleasure in drawing the attention of the public. 
The platform demanded the ** free and untrammelled 
exercise of the right of suffrage," with reference obviously 

> Globe, Dec. 22, 1874, p. 208, Jan. 7, 1875, p. 319; Lansing State Rep., 
May 10. 
' Lansing State Rep., Post, June 14, 1878. 



223] ^ RESUME, 1877-1878 223 

to the difficulties of the negroes in voting in the Southern 
States. The party rejoiced at the early adjournment of 
Congress, and the " respite it afforded from the reckless 
and mischievous schemes of ignorant legislators made 
formidable by the despotism of a caucus." This was no 
unmistakable expression of the Republican attitude upon 
the financial legislation which, after pending since the 
middle of 1876, was finally passed as the Bland-Allison 
Act, February 28, 1878.^ Repudiation was denounced in 
every form, and a " circulation of paper and coin inter- 
changeable at par and at the will of the holder " was de- 
clared the best known to commerce. The party viewed 
" with apprehension the platform, resolutions and publica- 
tions of the uncompromising opposition." ^ 

The state ticket was headed by Governor Croswell, 
whose administration was declared " prudent, wise, honest, 
and economical." In closing, the convention declared him 
entitled to the " cordial respect and confidence of the peo- 
ple of the state of Michigan." Earlier in the campaign, 
however, there had been a movement set afoot for Zacha- 
riah Chandler as the successor of Governor Croswell, 
whom a small faction thought of dismissing after one 
term in office. This was closely connected with the es- 
trangement of Chandler from Hayes, as Croswell was gen- 
erally understood to be the opponent of the leader of the 
Stalwarts. Chandler stoutly denied all rumors of his con- 
nection with the governorship, and it is to be concluded 
that the movement was undertaken by some of his Stal- 
wart friends, who did not understand that their leader 
preferred keeping himself independent and in readiness for 
a Senatorship. 

^ Cj . supra, p. 216, note 2. 

* Lansing State Rep., June 14; Mich. Aim., 1879, PP- I5. 16. 



224 ^^^ POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [224 

THE DEMOCRACY 

The Democracy of Michigan this year presented various 
shades of opinion on the money question. Some of the 
leading journals feared that a disposition to conciliate the 
National Greenback party would lead to very unwise con- 
cessions. They accordingly declared that delegates could 
not afford to sacrifice any principles in order to secure 
votes. If the platform touched the currency question, it 
must contain only such declarations as approve resump- 
tion. " No overtures are to be made to the Greenback 
party," insisted a prominent Democratic leader, who 
warned the convention that " coin was the constitutional 
money of the country " and that the value of paper was 
only acquired by the pledge of the government stamp, con- 
vertibility being an indispensable requirement.^ The party 
certainly had reason for apprehending a disagreement in 
its ranks on the currency issue, which had been revived — 
or at least renewed — by the efforts to repeal the Resump- 
tion Act. It was, then, its main interest to maintain unity, 
and receive all the support possible without compromising 
too much. 

The State Convention met in Lansing, July lOth, with a 
large and harmonious attendance. The platform as pre- 
sented by the Committee on Resolutions was discussed 
fully and finally adopted by almost a unanimous vote. It 
arraigned the Republican party for corruption, for the es- 
tablishment of giant monopolies, and for squandering the 
public lands. It declared that the prostrate condition of 
the country demanded the reduction of state and national 
taxation to the lowest point possible. The plank to which 
the greatest attention by far was directed was that on the 
currency issue. " Gold and silver are the money of the 

1 Address of George V. N. Lothrop, Free Press, July 5, 1878. 



225 j "^ RESUMR. 1877-187 S 225 

Constitution ", it declared, " and all paper currency should 
be convertible into such coin at the will of the holder." 

The state ticket was headed this year by Orlando M. 
Barnes for governor, a man with hard-money preferences.* 
It was noticeable that in making its nomination this year, 
the party practically abandoned its policy of yielding to the 
Granger sentiment. In 1874 it had exercised great care 
in selecting a ticket representative of the agriculturist 
class. Four years later not one farmer was to be found 
among the candidates for state office, though several were 
owners of rural property. This fact would not require 
mention had not the Democracy formerly declared and 
shown themselves the special friends of the agriculturist 
class. It was evident that the party had left behind it sev- 
eral of the minor issues by which it had advanced to 
greater power in the several years just preceding, and the 
Republicans took occasion to make this observation more 
than once.^ 

THE PROHIBITIONISTS 

The Prohibitionists still continued to meet, make nomi- 
nations and to declare their views, notwithstanding their 
constantly failing power in Michigan, and the constitu- 
tional amendment against prohibition adopted in Novem- 
ber, 1876.^ Their convention was held in Lansing, August 
13th, and the platform related to many matters of reform 
and social improvement. The party demanded an amend- 
ment to the Federal Constitution prohibiting " the impor- 
tation, exportation, manufacture and traffic of all alcoholic 

' Mich. Aim., 1879, p. 17; Free Press, July 11. 

' The Lansing State Rep., July 12, classified the ticket as follows : 
three lawyers, three editors, one lumber dealer, one real estate agent 
and one teacher. 

3 Cf. supra, chap, vii, p. 204. 



226 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [226 

beverages in all places subject to the Congress of the United 
States," and it recommended treaties to that effect with 
foreign powers. It declared for the abolition of class 
legislation and the adoption of equal suffrage and eligibil- 
ity to office without distinction of race, religious creed or 
sex. The public lands were to be reserved for actual 
settlers, and the federal and state government should com- 
pel the establishment of free public schools. Amicable 
relations between nations were to be furthered by arbitra- 
tion provisions in all treaties thereafter signed, and the 
penal methods of the country were to be reformed by the 
adoption of " more human modes of punishment." 

The position of the Prohibitionists upon the financial 
issue was for the most part sound. The national govern- 
ment alone should have the right to issue paper money, 
they insisted, and this should be subject to prompt redemp- 
tion on demand in gold or silver. The party also declared 
for the abolition of executive and legislative patronage, 
for direct popular vote in the election of civil officers so 
far as possible, for reduction of salaries of public officers 
and for strict economy in the discharge of their adminis- 
trative duties. The interests of the party thus came to in- 
clude general reforms, and while it exercised little direct 
influence upon the politics of the time, it pointed out much- 
needed changes.^ 

THE CAMPAIGN AND ELECTION OF 18/8 

The campaign in Michigan was fought bitterly by the 
Republicans, who were dominated as usual by the more ex- 
treme and radical faction — the " Stalwarts " under Zach- 
ariah Chandler. They drew up their campaign plans along 

* Lansing State Rep., Evening News, Aug. 14; Lansing Journal, .A.ug. 
15; Argus, Aug. 16. The candidate for governor was Watson Snyder, 
who was not prominent in a political capacity. 



227] ^ RESUME, 1877-1878 227 

the line of the obsolete issue of Reconstruction and their 
treatment of that theme is typified by the speech of Chand- 
ler at the State Republican Convention. The withdrawal 
of federal troops from South Carolina and Louisiana ' 
highly displeased Chandler, who believed that the Presi- 
dent of his choice had abandoned the chief principle of 
the party — sufficient guarantee of loyalty before admission 
of the rebel states into the union. 

It was against Chandler, then, as the leader of the " Stal- 
warts " that the fire of the Democrats was directed this 
year.- The latter effectively seized upon the vulnerable 
points in the Republican position, and asked : " Who nomi- 
nated Hayes and was responsible for his candidacy? And 
who made him President of the United States? The Re- 
publican party nominated him, and no less a notable than 
the National Chairman of the Republican party made him 
President. . . . Tragic it is when a favorite falls so soon 
before his benefactors!"^ 

The paper-money issue was another fruitful source of 
mutual recrimination. The Republicans, who expected that 
a division would occur in the Democratic party along that 
line, were often found scoffing at the Democrats for show- 
ing a rather embarrassing tendency to embrace the green- 
back doctrines. The offended party, however, had good 
material for retaliation. " Who was Moses Field, that 
friend of soft money," they asked, "and Thomas M. 
Ferry, a member of the Paper Trinity? " "^ 

The election of 1878 was more disastrous to the Democ- 

1 Cf. supra, p. 215. 

* Address of the Democratic State Central Committee, in the Argus, 
Sept. 13, 1878. Don. M. Dickinson, who had served as chairman, was 
succeeded by William B. Moran. 

' Lansing Jour., July 9. 

* Niles Dent., July 19, 1878. 



228 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [228 

racy of Michigan than that two years before. Besides 
electing the entire state ticket — which was only to be ex- 
pected — the Republicans chose all nine Congressmen, and 
90 members of a legislature of 132. The Democratic mem- 
bership receded to 24, and the Greenbackers claimed 18. 
The dominant party could thus boast practically three- 
fourths of the membership/ Strangely enough the Green- 
back party advanced so rapidly, that its power was not far 
inferior to that of the Democracy this year. The former 
carried eight counties, the latter fourteen, but in the south- 
ern portion of the state a very strong minority of Green- 
backers existed in many of the counties. From the relative 
strength of the two parties in the election of state legis- 
lature and local officers, it may be concluded that the 
Greenback party contained about three-fourths as great 
a membership as the Democracy. 

It was also obvious that the Democrats had lost to the 
newer organization — and this they recognized themselves. 
Their attitude after the election was mainly one of dis- 
gust at the " attempt of their party to secure votes by a 
sacrifice of principle." It was felt that the Democracy had 
lowered their standard in order to prevent defection to the 
National Greenback party, and to win back deserters — and 
they suffered accordingly. But the tone of the press was 
hopeful. " The losses from defection will be made up and 
the strength of the Democratic party will return." ^ 

SENATORIAL ELECTION OF 1879, AND THE RETURN OF 
CHANDLER 

This was not the year for a regular Senatorial election, 

1 Mich. Aim., 1879, pp. 69-81, 88, 123; Mich. Man., 1879, 123-153, 154-9, 
160-79; Trib. Aim., 1879. 

^ Argus, Nov. 8. For other accounts of the election, Free Press, 
Jackson Patriot, Grand Rapids Dem., Nov. 6-9. 



22o] A RESUME, 1877-1878 229 

but Mr. Christiancy's seat unexpectedly became vacant, 
and the new legislature was called upon to choose his suc- 
cessor. An unfortunate matrimonial experience while in 
Washington rendered Mr. Christiancy's domestic life so 
unhappy, and his social relations so uncongenial, that he 
resigned from the Senate in January to accept a foreign 
post. Several positions were offered him, and he accepted 
the ministry to Peru. It was no less than a tragedy which 
removed from Congress so able a man elected by an inde- 
pendent movement, and so well qualified to do splendid ser- 
vice. 

The Republicans agreed this time on Chandler, as the 
opposition against him had ceased to be effective. The 
Democrats nominated Orlando M. Barnes, and the Green- 
backers Henry Chamberlain— both very prominent Demo- 
crats. The election occurred February 18, 1878, and the 
joint vote for Chandler was 88, that of Barnes 22, that of 
Chamberlain 18, and four members were absent' Thus 
Chandler was returned to the Senate without strong oppo- 
sition, and his ambition since his defeat four years before 
was realized by an unexpected contingency and a special 
election. He did not serve out the unfinished term for 
which he was elected, however, as his death suddenly oc- 
curred after a strenuous campaign in Illinois in 1879.^ 

With the return of Chandler to the Senate and the re- 
stored harmony within the Republican party, this study 
will end. The rise of an opposition would be noticeable 
henceforth, if the investigation were continued, which 

^Senate and House Jour., 1879; Mich. Man., 1879, PP- 319-20. The 
vote in the Senate stood thus : Chandler 22, Barnes 2, Chamberlain 5, 
absent and not voting, 2 Democrats, i Republican. In the House 
Chandler received 66 votes, Barnes 20, Chamberlain 13, and one 
Democrat was absent. The credentials were read in the Senate, Feb. 22. 
2 Nov. I, 1879, in Chicago. He was succeeded by H. P. Baldwin, who 
was appointed Nov. 17. The term expired 1881 ; Mich. Aim., 1880, p. 57- 



230 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [230 

would show the Democratic and Greenback parties moving 
forward until a coalition in 1882 defeated the Republican 
State ticket for the first time in the history of that party.' 
David H. Jerome was defeated for re-election to the Gov- 
ernorship, and Josiah W. Begole, nominated by the alli- 
ance, won. Neither Ferry nor Byron G. Stout received a 
majority of the votes of the legislature the following spring 
for Senator, and Thomas W. Palmer was elected on the 
first of March to succeed Mr, Ferry. 

» Michigan as a State, vol. iv, pp. 151 et seq. Hemans, History of 
Michigan, pp. 233-4. 



CHAPTER IX 

The Social and Economic Progress of Michigan 

character of the population of michigan 

The political history of Michigan has been intimately 
connected with the social condition and industrial activities 
of the people, and these were greatly influenced by two 
factors which contributed largely to the motives for politi- 
cal action. In the first place, the character and diversity 
of the population, which included a large percentage of 
natives of other states and foreign immigrants, were im- 
portant elements in determining party preferences. In the 
second place, the geographical and geological conditions of 
the state insured diverse industrial interests which de- 
manded different policies with reference to commerce and 
the tariff. 

The adult population of the state at the period covered 
by this monograph consisted largely of emigrants from the 
New England States and from New York. In 1870 the 
state of New York was more extensively represented in 
the population of Michigan than the other eastern states, 
and Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maine and New 
Hampshire ranked next in the order named. ^ Nearly all 

1 New York State 231,509 

Vermont 14.445 

Mass 10,839 

Conn 7,412 

Maine 3.932 

Mich. Statistics, 1870, pp. xliv, xlv. 

231] 231 



232 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [232 

the men who gained prominence in Michigan politics were 
natives of the eastern states who migrated westward and 
as a rule took up first agriculture or some trade, then legal 
study and practice, and finally politics/ A large number 
received academic training while yet in the east, and 
brought with them a well-developed enthusiasm for 
higher learning and literary achievement. 

The foreign-born population of the state in 1870 in- 
cluded 22.63 per cent of the total, and a decade later, the 
state ranked seventh in this respect." Michigan had a 
larger Canadian element than any other state in the Union, 
and this class comprised one-third of the foreign element. 
The lumbering interests were a great encouragement, and 
the proximity of the Canadian provinces facilitated migra- 
tion. Of the European countries. Great Britain and Ire- 
land contributed the largest number. During the two 
decades from 1830-50, many Irish arrived and by 1870 
there were over 42,000 in the state. The Germans ranked 
second, and a large immigration of Prussians set in from 
1840 to 1850, but this, like the entire movement, re- 
ceived a sharp check by the crisis of 1873. It vv-as also at 
this time that there occurred the great influx of Dutch, 
who settled principally in Ottawa County, about a center 
called Holland City, and by 1884, Michigan contained a 
greater Dutch population than any other state of the Union. 
At the time when this study ends Michigan ranked seventh 

' David H. Jerome, Governor 1880-2, viras the only Michigan born 
incumbent of that office within the period of this study, and Thomas 
W. Ferry tbe only Senator, 1871-1883. 

' British America 89,590, Great Britain and Ireland 86,200, Germany 
64,142 (Prussia 28,660), Holland 12,559, France 3,121. 

In i860 the foreign-born numbered 149,093, the native 600,020. In 
1870 the former increased to 268,010, the latter to 916,049, showing that 
the foreign population had increased approximately 80%, and the 
native-born 50%. Mich. Stat., 1870, pp. xliii, vi, vii, Iviii-lxi ; Mich. 
Aim., 1873, pp. 36, 37 ; Census of Mich., 1884, pp. xxx-xxxiii. 



233] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 233 

in the number of German inhabitants. They were always a 
carefully considered element in the contentions between the 
two regular parties, and with the increased prominence of 
the prohibition issue, the rivalry became more active. As 
a rule the Democracy had the larger vote among the Ger- 
mans and the same was probably true of the other foreign 
nationalities. 

The negro population was never an important element in 
Michigan either socially or politically. Numerically it was 
too insignificant to influence public opinion on the suffrage 
question or, upon its enfranchisement, to give any effectual 
aid to the Republican party. In 1870 it comprised only one 
per cent of the entire population, and in Cass County it 
reached its highest level of eight per cent.^ Another ele- 
ment within the state which may be considered practically 
negligible in the politics of this period were the Aborigines. 
In 1870 there were only 4,926 Indians in Michigan, located 
in the northern portion of the state, and of these a large 
number had crossed the border from Canada. - 

The increase in the population of the state was phenom- 
enal during the period of this study. In the twenty years 
beginning with i860 it much more than doubled. From 
the rank of sixteenth in the Union, Michigan rose to the 
ninth place, and the average annual rate of increase for the 
first decade mentioned was nearly 4.69 per cent. The finan- 
cial crisis of 1873 naturally caused a temporary fall and 
from 1870 to 1874 it was 3.02 per cent.^ There was an 

* This matter has been treated more fully in the chapters relating 
to the suffrage issues as presented in 1868 and 1870. Cf. supra, ch. iii, 
p. 80; ch. iv, p. 122. 

' Mich. Stat., 1870, p. xliv. 

' The population in i860 was 749,113, in 1870, 1,184,282. 1874, 1,334,031, 
and in 1880, 1,636,937. Mich. Stat., 1870, pp. Iv-lvii ; Comp. of Mich. 
Stat., 1876 pp. 14, 15, 16. Census of Mich., 1874; Mich. Man., 1879, 
pp. 181-3. 



234 ^^^ POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [234 

obvious movement of settlement toward the northern and 
northwestern portions of the state during these years, and 
though the southern counties gained, it was in smaller ratic 
than the other parts of the state. In the decade preceding 
1870, the Upper Peninsula increased in population fifty 
per cent, the central and southern portions of the state in- 
creased two hundred per cent, and the uppermost counties 
of the lower Peninsula showed a population almost five 
times as great as that at the beginning of the decade.^ The 
next ten years did not show so rapid an increase. The 
Northern Peninsula doubled its numbers, while the popula- 
tion of the Central and Southern portions did not gain so 
rapidly. From a decennial rate of almost 58 per cent in- 
crease during the first decade, the state as a whole fell to 
38.2 per cent, and of this the Northern portion claimed the 
largest proportional gain." With this increase in the popu- 
lation of the northern portions of the state and because 
of the growth in the industries of those regions the pro- 
tective tariff was to receive added support and the trans- 
portation facilities by rail and by water were to be built up 
and improved. 

In respect to literacy and education, a frontier state like 
Michigan, possessing a large percentage of foreign-born 
population, would naturally be expected to rank rather low. 
The large previous immigrations from the eastern states, 

' Mich. Stat., 1870, pp. Iv-lvii. The rank of the counties as given in 
the pages cited is not of great value in this connection, since those 
newly organized withdrew a large population from the more densely 
settled ones, and the variations in their relative rank are not always 
indicative of the local changes in population. 

' Mich. Man., 1879, pp. 181-183; Census of Mich., 1884, pp. xxx-xxxiii, 
clxxxiv-v. The density of population was 13 per square mile in i860, 
20.6 in 1870, and 28.5 in 1880. The distinctly frontier nature of the 
state is thus evident in its rank as twenty-first in the Union in this 
respect. 



235] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 235 

however, held up the intellectual standard, when the great 
extractive industries of the north, and the frontier loca- 
tion of the state naturally tended to lower it. In 1870 the 
total number of persons of ten 3'^ears and over who were 
unable to read did not exceed 3.5 per cent of the entire 
population of the state. Those who could not write 
slightly exceeded 5.6 per cent, and of these 57.56 per cent 
were of foreign birth. ^ In respect to the number of its 
publications Michigan ranked eighth.^ Within the decade 
beginning with 1870, the number of newspapers and period- 
icals more than doubled, the weeklies outnumbering the 
dailies. In i860 there were only 118 publications of all 
classes, including eight dailies. Within the two decades 
from i860 to 1880, the journals trebled in number and of 
these many were devoted to non-political subjects.^ 

There were over 5,400 public schools of all grades 
within the state in 1870, with an attendance of almost 
250,000 pupils. The private institutions of learning num- 
bered over 150, and these included Day, Boarding, Paro- 
chial, Charity and Indian schools. Twenty-three higher 
institutions, twelve of which were termed " Classical ", had 
an attendance of almost 3,400 students, and were main- 
tained by endowment, public funds and tuition. It was not 
strange that all but one of these institutions were to be 
found in the five lower rows of counties, and these also had 
by far the best educational advantages so far as private 
schools were concerned. At this time the state possessed 

" Comp. of Mich. Stat., 1876, p. 16. Among the native-born in the 
latter case were 1823 Indians. 

' In 1870 it had 215 newspapers and periodicals, in 1880, 464. The 
dailies had increased from 16 to 33, and the weeklies, 176 to 397. 
Fifteen of the publications were printed in German, and several in 
Dutch ; twenty-six were non-political. 

' Mich. Stat., 1870, pp. 666-677 ; Census of Mich., 1884, p. xxxiv. 



236 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [236 

over 26,000 libraries of all classes with nearly 2,200,000 
volumes. Of these the largest was the State Library at 
Lansing.^ 

The educational topic which was the subject for the 
keenest political discussion was the state maintenance of 
the Agricultural College as a separate institution. Some 
urged its removal to Ann Arbor and its incorporation as a 
part of the State University, while others opposed it as a 
purely class institution. It was, however, maintained as 
founded — a state institution for special instruction." 

INDUSTRIES OF MICHIGAN 

Of the industries carried on in Michigan agriculture was 
first in importance. The southern and south central por- 
tions of the state were most typically agricultural and small 
farms from twenty to fifty acres in extent were most gen- 
eral. . About half of the land was improved and by 1884 
the state ranked seventh in the gross value of its farms and 
farm machinery, and eighth in the value of its farm 
products.^ It was the southern and south-central portions 
which showed the most even balance of party preference 
and the strongest Democratic sympathies. It was also in 
these districts that the Granger and Greenback movements 
found the strongest support and influenced the leading 
parties to the greatest degree. 

Next to agriculture the lumbering interests were of 
greatest importance in Michigan, and the state ranked first 
in respect to the value of the product. In 1870 the chief 
timber wealth was to be found in a territory betv/een two 

' Mich. Stat., 1870, pp. 650-661, 663-665. 

- Cf. supra, ch. iii, p. 76, for the discussion in the Constitutional Con- 
vention of 1867. 

» Mich. Stat., 1870, pp. 274-277; Comp. of Mich. Stat., for 1876, p. 27; 
Census of Mich., 1884, pp. xxxi-ii. 



237] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 237 

lines, of which the northern one connected Alpena and 
Grand Traverse Bay, the southern one extended from Port 
Huron to Grand Haven. Here grew forests of pine, oak, 
hemlock and ash, the first immensely exceeding the others 
in abundance. North of this belt, and extending to the 
Straits of Mackinac there were forests of maple, beech, 
ash, oak and elm with extensive areas of pine. Here also 
grew some of the most valuable ornamental woods indige- 
nous to the continent. The Upper Peninsula was far less 
noted for its timber than its minerals, but abounded in 
nearly all the variety of trees that were found farther 
south. 

This timber was worked up mainly in the districts on the 
Great Lakes and along the large rivers, both east and west. 
In the Saginaw Valley, especially in Saginaw and Bay 
Counties, there were many mills located along the Saginaw 
River from which the products were shipped in great quan- 
tities. Other milling districts on the east shore were Tus- 
cola, Huron, Sanilac and St. Clair Counties and Detroit. 
On the west, the chief centers were Grand Rapids, Grand 
Haven, Ludington, Manistee and Muskegon. In 1873 
there were 1,600 saw-mills, the value of whose products 
very nearly approximated $40,000,000, and much of this 
output was shipped to Quebec and Buffalo. In 1884 the 
annual value of the product was more than one-fifth of 
that of the entire Union. 

The work in the forests of the north drew a large num- 
ber of foreigners, Canada supplying by fa[r the greatest 
number, and Germany and Ireland ranking next. In 1870 
nearly one-half of the lumbermen, raftsmen and wood- 
choppers were foreigners.^ Their alliance with the Demo- 

^ U. S. Census, 1870, vol. i, p. 740; Mich. Stat., 1870, pp. xlviii-li; 
Comp. of Mich. Stat., 1876, pp. 40-45 : Census of Mich., 1884, pp. 
xxxii-iv. 



238 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [238 

cratic party accounts in part for the strong Democratic 
tendencies of the northernmost counties of the Lower Pen- 
insula. The north-central portions, especially of the west, 
were consistently Republican, however, and the manufac- 
turing interests tended to promote the tariff policy in the 
state/ 

The immense mineral resources of the Upper Peninsula 
put Michigan in the first place with respect to the value of 
copper mined and the amount and value of the iron ore.^ 
The work in the mines was chiefly carried on by foreigners, 
and out of 3,426 miners in 1870, only 233 were natives of 
the United States. The English and Welsh formed almost 
one-half of the foreign miners, while the Irish, German, 
Swedes, Norwegians and Danes followed in smaller num- 
bers.^ 

The same observation may be made with reference to 
the political importance of the foreign element engaged in 
the mines of the Northern Peninsula as that with reference 
to the foreign class in the lumbering districts of the state. 
The Upper Peninsula was generally found to have strong 
Democratic sympathies, and the counties were often almost 
evenly divided. Plowever, this region was so remote, and 
the means of transportation at this period were so imper- 
fect in the north, that the election returns were often too 

* Senator Thomas W. Ferry of Grand Haven was the chief repre- 
sentative of these interests in Michigan, and his attitude on the tariff 
question is obvious from his speeches in 1870 and 1872, e. g., the speech 
on the " Folly of Reciprocity," May 24, 1870, Globe, Appx., pp. 370 et seq. 

* Copper was mined in Houghton, Keweenaw and Ontonagon 
Counties, iron in Marquette, with smelting furnaces in that and adjoin- 
ing counties. In the production of salt Michigan also ranked first, 
and the location of this industry was the district comprising Bay, 
Huron, Macomb, and Saginaw Counties. Coal, oil and gypsum were 
minor products. Mich. Stat., 1870, pp. 550-569; Covip. of Mich. Stat., 
1876, pp. 4873 ; Census of Mich., 1884, pp. xxxii-vi. 

« Mich. Stat. 1870, p. li. 



239] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 239 

late to be counted in the official canvass. There was natur- 
ally a greater indifference in this region to political issues 
than in any other with the exception of issues involving 
railroad construction and improvement in the facilities for 
commerce. 

By far the greatest items of manufacture in the state 
were lumber and minerals, and these branches of the in- 
dustry were most often carried on in districts convenient 
to the source of raw material. The manufacture of finished 
products was not so extensive as might be expected. There 
were, however, vehicle and furniture factories of consid- 
erable importance, especially in Grand Rapids, agricultural 
implement works and woolen and cotton factories. In- 
clusive of all classes of manufacture, the value of the entire 
product for 1870 was nearly $123,000,000.^ It is not im- 
probable that the districts which contained most of these 
interests — the central and southern portions of the state — 
would be influenced by them to favor protective tariff and 
oppose free trade. The ship-building industry of Mich- 
igan was comparatively unimportant during the early part 
of the period, and in 1870 less than 600 persons were thus 
occupied. There were twelve ship-building yards, and the 
value of the vessels exceeded $1,200,000.^ 

THE PUBLIC LAND.S OF MICHIGAN 

The public land question was an important issue through- 
out this period in Michigan political history, and mention 
has been made of the repeated declarations of the different 
parties in favor of more rigorous terms of land grants by 
the state to corporations, especially railroad companies.' 

• Comp. of Mich. Stat., 1876, pp. 81-87. 

* Ibid., p. 87 ; Census of Mich., 1884, p. xxxvi ; Mich. Stat., 1870, p. li. 
3 Cf. supra, ch. iii, p. 94; ch. v, p. i ; ch. viii, pp. 224, 226. 



240 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [240 

The problem in Michigan was very similar to that in the 
other states of the Northwest. As part of the territory 
ceded to the National Government from 1781 to 1786 by 
the states of New York, Virginia, Massachusetts and Con- 
necticut, Michigan was one of the so-called " Public Land 
States " of the Union. Congress was the sole owner of 
the soil, with complete jurisdiction over the same.^ It thus 
had the power under the Constitution " to dispose of this 
public domain under any conditions or by any method it 
saw fit, and all laws relating to this subject fall under two 
general heads. First are those providing directly for per- 
manent private settlement and ownership, and second are 
those which make grants to states — or reserve tracts in ter- 
ritories — from the sale of which various interests, espec- 
ially railroad companies, are to receive financial aid. 

The earliest provision for the disposition of the public 
domain of the Northwest Territory was the Act of May 
18, 1796 — the first land ordinance of the Congress under 
the Constitution.^ The land was to pass to the highest 
bidder, the minimum price being fixed at $2.00 per acre, 
and the purchaser was required to deposit but five per cent 
of the price at the time of sale. Various laws were passed 
which modified the Act of 1796, but the credit feature re- 
mained until April 24, 1820.* From the opening of the 
land offices in the Northwest in 18 10 to 1820, the sales in 
Michigan under the credit system amounted to 67,362.02 
acres, yielding $47,689,563.09.^ Through the failure of 
the purchasers to meet the terms of sale, some of this land 
reverted to the national government. 

' Donaldson, Public Domain, pp. 10, 13. United States vs. Railroad 
Bridge Co., 6 McLean, 517. 
^ Art. IV, §3, p. 2. 

* Laws of U. S., ii, 533- 

* Stat, at Large, iii, 566. 

* Donaldson, op. cit., p. 203. 



241 ] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 241 

From 1820 to 1840, various temporary relief meas- 
ures were passed by Congress to relieve the financial 
distress of settlers who were not able to complete the terms 
of sale/ From September 4, 1841, dates the permanent 
pre-emption system of disposition of public lands, which, 
by the end of the period of this study, entitled persons of 
twenty-one years of age, or heads of families, to secure 
land to a maximum extent of 160 acres through the essen- 
tial conditions of actual residence, improvement, and the 
payment of the price varying from $1.25 to $2.50 per 
acre.^ Very nearly related to pre-emption was the home- 
stead policy which, after several attempts and long discus- 
sion, was finally entered upon May 20, 1862.'' The act 
was several times amended, but the essential features of the 
policy are these — the gift of land in tracts of 160 acres or 
legal subdivisions, free of charge, to any citizen who is 
twenty-one years of age or the head of a family, and re- 
sides upon the land for five years. A nominal sum was 
chargeable merely sufficient to cover the costs of the sur- 
veys. Title could be secured prior to the five years regu- 
larly required, by the payment of the minimum price of the 
land as provided in the pre-emption acts. This was known 
as " commutation of homestead entries ". In the same 
manner, a pre-emptor was allowed to change his holding to 
a homestead entry by residing upon the land the required 
length of time, and the land became taxable, by state law, 
at the close of the residence period of five years. ^ 

In Michigan, during the year 1863, there were 1,537 en- 

^ Donaldson, op. cit., p. 205 et seq. 

* Ibid., pp. 214-16; Stat, at Large, vol. v, p. 453. 

* Donaldson, op. cit., pp. 349-50; Revised Statutes, pp. 419-24. 

* Acts of Mich., 1873, no. 169, pp. 227-8. 



242 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [242 

tries calling for 195,939.66 acres. The number of entries 
was reduced to half in 1865, rose again the succeeding year 
and maintained an annual average of 1,500 until 1877, 
when it fell to 947.^ The aggregate number of entries in 
the state from 1863 to 1880 was 25,086, with a total of 2,- 
911,749.13 acres. It will thus be seen that within the two 
decades of this study, almost 10 per cent of the area of the 
state, which constituted a little over 36 millions of acres, 
was entered for homesteads. This manner of dealing with 
the public domain was much encouraged by the state, and 
frequent declarations appear in the party platforms de- 
manding the preference of home-seekers over corporations. 
The second method of disposition of the public domain 
not included within territories is that of grants to states 
for the financial aid of various interests. Among the 
earliest grants made to Michigan were those of June 23, 
1856,' for educational purposes. In the first place the six- 
teenth section of every township was granted for the com- 
mon schools of the state, and this approximated one-thirty- 
sixth of the entire area of Michigan, or almost 1,067,400 
acres. In Ohio, Indiana and Illinois it was the customary 
practice to give over the management of these sections to 
the respective townships in which they lay, but Michigan 
wisely reserved the control in the hands of the state gov- 
ernment. In the second place, Michigan and Arkansas 
each received two townships for university purposes. The 
State Commission appointed to make the selection for 

* Donaldson, op. cit., pp. 350-355. S. Sato, " History of the Land 
question in the United States," Johns Hopkins University Studies in 
Hist, and Pol. Science, 1886, Fourth Series, Pamphlets 7, 8, 9, p. 176 
et seq. 

* Donaldson, op. cit., p. 228; Mich. Coll., vol. vii, pp. 17-35. " History 
of Land Grants for Education in Michigan," George W. Knight, 
pp. 23-28. 



243] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 243 

Michigan chose a tract which lay along the Maumee River. 
It was then included within the limits of the state, and is 
now the heart of the city of Toledo, Ohio. These lands 
were early sold far below their real value, as 400 acres 
were disposed of for $5,000, and the remainder of the 
46,080 acres passed for little more than $19 per acre.^ 

In order to complete the brief account of educational 
grants in Michigan the Morrill Act of July 2, 1862 " should 
be mentioned at this point. By this measure each state 
was to receive 30,000 acres for each of its members in 
Congress in i860, though a maximum was placed at one 
million acres for one state, and the old states were re- 
quired to accept within three years.^ The moneys derived 
from the sale of these lands were to create a fund, the 
interest of which was to be used for " at least one college " 
in each state, the leading object of which was " to promote 
the liberal and practical education of the industrial classes 
in their several pursuits in life." As Michigan was then 
represented in the lower house of Congress by six mem- 
bers, the state received 240,000 acres of land, and from 
this land she realized somewhat over $275,000. 

The proceeds of the sale of these " educational lands " 
of various classes were not all devoted to the purposes for 
which they were originally intended. An act of March lO; 
1875, provided that " all money received into the State 
Treasury for the sale of lands and placed to the credit of 
the University, Agricultural College, Normal or Primary 
School fund, after March i, 1875 shall be used in defray- 
ing the expenses of the state government.* 

^ Knight, op. cit., pp. 29-34. 

' U. S. Stat, at Large, xii, p. 5035. 

' Michigan accepted July 25, 1863, Acts, 1863, p. 54. 

* Acts, 1875, no. 22, p. 21. 



244 ^^^^ POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [244 

The second great class of federal land grants were those 
for internal improvements, and among these, the railroad 
lands were probably of the greatest ultimate importance/ 
Canals and wagon roads were of earlier construction. In 
Michigan there were large tracts of swamp lands alleged 
to be worthless in their natural condition and impossible 
of reclamation by direct national interposition. Their 
improvement was extremely desirable, however, from the 
point of view of sanitation and also of the enhancement in 
value of the adjoining government property. Accordingly, 
m 1850, Congress granted Michigan, among other states, 
the wet lands within her limits for reclamation.^ In this 
state, as well as Wisconsin and Minnesota, the selection was 
made not by state agents, as it was customary to provide 
in some of the other states, but by federal officers — either 
the Surveyor-General or the Commissioner of the General 
Land Office. This grant of 7,373,804.72 acres constituted 
the largest single gift made to the state at any one time, 
and it was expected that the sale of part of these " swamp 
and overflowed lands " would pay the expenses of reclaim- 
ing the rest, which could be used for the development of 
transportation facilities. 

In addition to these Congress made special grants from 
time to time for the construction of canals, wagon-roads 
and railroads. The total amount of land granted by Con- 
gress for the construction of canals from 1852 to the close 
of the period of this study was 1,250,000 acres. For the 
construction of the St. Mary's Falls Ship Canal, alone, 
750,000 acres of mineral and farming lands were donated. 

' Mich. Coll., vol. vii, pp. 52-68. " Federal Land grants for Internal 
Improvements in the state of Michigan," by A. N. Bliss, A. I\I. 

* Donaldson, op. cit., pp. 219-20 ; Bliss, op. cit., p. 53 ci seq. The 
state legislature passed an act in 1861 to secure the settlement and 
drainage of the swamp land. Acts, 1861, p. 145. 



245] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 245 

They were located in the region of the " Mineral Range " 
in the Upper Peninsula, and included the site of the famous 
Calumet and Hecla Copper Mines.^ The canal was com- 
pleted in 1855, but the needs of commerce later required 
its deepening and enlargement. Accordingly, Congress 
donated 250,000 acres to the state and this was in tuni 
appropriated! In 1881 the canal was completed, and five 
years later the construction of the present locks =^ was 

begun. 

Water transportation was also promoted by deepenmg 
the channel between Lakes St. Clair and Huron. On ac- 
count of the vast natural resources of the state, the entire 
district about the lakes demanded improved facilities for 
transportation by water. All large vessels were com- 
pelled to sail by a long and tortuous route through Wal- 
pole Creek between Harson's and Walpole Islands, or by 
way of Bear River around Ann's Island, for the mam 
channel of the St. Clair River south of Algonac was very 
shallow. Finally, in 1856, General Cass secured an appro- 
priation of $65,000. With this amount a channel was 
cleared six thousand feet long, one hundred-fifty feet wide, 
and nine feet deep. After several unsuccessful attempts 
on the part of Chandler an additional appropriation was 
secured in 1866, with which the channel was deepened to 
sixteen feet.'' The lands granted for the building of wagon 
roads exceeded 221,000 acres by June 20. 1864. after which 
date the practice ceased." 

I Donaldson, op. ciU p. 258; Bliss, op. .:7., pp. 57-65- The land fo. 
the canal was donated by Congress, Aug. 26, 1852, and accepted b> 
Michigan, Feb. 5. 1853- 

-Acts, 1871, no. 88. p. 117; R- D. Williams. Life of Peter WhMe, 
pp. 210-11. 

» Mich. Coll., vol. 21, pp. 352-367; xxii, p. 496. 

* Donaldson, op. cit., p. 260; Bliss, op. cit., pp. 5^-57- 



246 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [246 

Railroads were, however, the state issue of greatest eco- 
nomic importance during this period. After 1864 there 
was rapid progress in their construction, due mainly to 
the demand for additional outlets for the natural products 
of the state, especially lumber, salt and plaster. The trunk 
lines at this time entered into competition in the projection 
of lateral and connecting lines, and a strong feeling in 
favor of extending local aid to these enterprises existed 
prior to 1849. The adverse decision in the Salem case ^ 
in 1870 temporarily checked construction, but the rapid 
progress made during the succeeding three years demon- 
strated the absence of any necessity for municipal aid." 

The growth of the railroad systems in Michigan had 
been phenomenal. In i860 there were less than 800 miles 
of railroad in operation in the state ; ten years later there 
were over 1,700 miles; and by 1876 there were 3,615 miles. 
The crisis of 1873 abruptly checked construction and the 
following year only 61 miles were added. However, there 
were in 1874 thirty-four corporations operating in the 
state, with about three-fifths of their mileage lying within 
its boundaries. For the period from 1865 to 1875 which 
marked the greatest activity in railroad building, the aver- 
age annual construction was 330 miles, but the climax was 
reached in 1872 when 901 miles were added. The greatest 
mileage in 1876 was operated by the Lake Shore and Mich- 
igan Southern with its branches, the Grand Rapids and 
Indiana ranked next, the Flint and Pere Marquette, the 

' Mich. Law Reports, vol. xx, pp. 452-522. 

» Municipal aid had been granted by Acts 1869, No. 45, pp. 89-95, 
which enabled any township to give aid to railroads, and No. 336, 
pp. 660-1, March 24, legalizing such action on the part of towns. 
For the importance of this question in politics, cf. supra, ch. iii, pp. 
For the importance of this question in politics, cf. supra, ch. iii, p. 
81 ; ch. iv, pp. 108 et seq. 



247] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 247 

Chicago and Michigan Lake Shore, and the Michigan Cen- 
tral followed in the order named. ^ 

The railroads, it has been said, were the chief recipients 
of federal aid. All attempts to secure land grants in their 
behalf failed until June 3, 1856, but from that date until 
the close of this period almost 3,356,000 acres were given 
the state for their benefit. The mileage of exclusively land 
grant railroads, however, did not exceed 1,005 by June 30, 
1880.- The main beneficiaries during the period from 1856 
to 1872 were the Jackson, Lansing and Saginaw Railway, 
which .received almost 750,000 acres, the Grand Rapids 
and Indiana, almost 630,000 acres, the Chicago and North 
Western, 518,000 acres, and the Flint, Pere Marquette, 
512,000 acres. 

The state, as a rule, promptly accepted these lands for 
the corporations already in existence, for whom they were 
intended, or encouraged the creation of corporations to 
undertake the work anticipated by Congress. It passed 
precautionary measures designed to protect the wooded 
lands, and prevent the cutting and carrying away of lum- 
ber.^ There were cases when the state was called upon to 
declare the forfeiture of land by a railroad which failed 
to comply with the required conditions in the grant. Thus 
in 1869, the Marquette and Ontario Railroad Company 
lost its lands on the ground that it had failed to construct 
ten miles of road each year.'* 

From time to time Congress was called upon to extend 

* The mileage was approximately 403, 280, 279, 246, 220 respectively; 
Comp. of Mich. Stat., 1875, pp. 89-94; Mich. Man., 1877, p. 298; 
Mich. Aim., 1879, p. 47; 1880, p. 30. 

^ Donaldson, op. cit., p. 268, 275, 287, and chart, p. 948; Bliss, op. cit., 
pp. 65-68. 
' Acts of Mich., 1867, no. 97, Mar. 25, 1867, and 1869, no. 34, p. 51. 

* Acts, 1869, p. 411. 



248 THE PO Lines OF MICHIGAN [248 

the period for the construction of a land-grant railway. 
These repeated demands upon its time and attention finally 
ended in 1879, when the United States released to Mich- 
igan all interest in the lands granted to the state by the 
act of 1856/ 

THE FINANCES OF MICHIGAN 

The financial condition of Michigan during this period 
gave the Republicans good grounds for congratulating 
themselves upon an economical administration. The 
bonded indebtedness of the state had reached very nearly 
$4,000,000 by the close of 1866 and annual reductions 
brought the debt down to approximately $2,385,000 in 
1870. The crisis of 1873 caused the proceeds from the 
sale of lands to fall from over $230,000 in 1873 to less 
than $62,000 the next year. 

The years of 1874 and 1875 were the most important 
politically with reference to the management of the state 
finances. The Constitution provided for a sinking fund 
to be applied solely to the payment and extinguishment of 
the principal of the state debt, with certain qualifications.' 
The specific taxes applicable to the purpose not only met 
the interest on the entire indebtedness, both bonded and 
trust, but afiforded a surplus more than sufficient to pay 
the maturing principal of the bonded debt. The surplus 
from this source averaged about $210,000 per annum dur- 
ing the early years of the decade. It was this constantly 
increasing surplus that the Democrats strongly objected to, 
alleging that it was loaned to favored banks, in which state 
of^cials were interested, at a lower rate of interest than 
was generally current, and with poor security. They urged 
in 1874 that due to this accumulation of state funds in 

' Stat, at Large, vol. l.xx, p. 490. 

"^ Constitution, Art. XIV, Sections i and 2. 



249] SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PROGRESS 249 

1874 the state taxes should not be assessed this year, but 
their demand was not complied with. This agitation was 
certainly an intiuence in bringing about legislation in the 
session of 1875 authorizing the purchase of unmatured 
bonds at such rates as the Governor, State Treasurer and 
Auditor General should see fit.' Under this act bonds to 
the amount of $125,000 were purchased at a premium of a 
fraction over three per cent. 

The Republicans could substantiate their boast that in 
the face of accumulation of the surplus, taxation had been 
reduced. From approximately $590,000 in 1866 it had 
risen and fallen until in 1870 it was less than $483,000. 
In 1872, however, it rose to over $920,000, and in the year 
of the crisis the receipts fell short of the disbursements by 
over $170,000. The specific taxes for the period from 
1866 to 1875 were received mainly from railroads, insur- 
ance companies, mines and banks, and the total receipts of 
this nature were almost three times as great at the close of 
the decade as at the beginning. The entire appropriations 
to institutions charitable, reformatory, penal, and educa- 
tional, increased from almost $178,000 to $427,000.- 

It was not strange, then, that the dominant party should 
point with pride to the financial condition of the state, 
especially as it appeared before the panic, and that they 
should claim to have secured a surplus in the treasury not- 
withstanding the reduction of taxation. The charges 
brought against the financing of the surplus, and the cen- 
sure naturally attached by the Democrats in 1873 to the 
railroad policy of the Republicans both aided to give the 

1 Acts, 1875, p. 294. 

" Mich. Aim., 1870, pp. 62, 63; Mich. Man., 1873, pp. 336. 348, 350, 351 ; 
1875, pp. 314-319; 1877, pp. 352, 356, 357; 1879, P- 306; Comp. of Mich. 
Stat., 1876, pp. 16-20; Census of Mich., 1884, PP- xxxii-iii ; Report of 
Auditor General, 1874, p. 385; 1875, p. 8. 



250 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [250 

combined opposition great gains in the fall election of 
1874. The suspicion aroused by the accumulation of over 
$1,000,000, with no intention of exempting the state from 
taxation for one year, obviously helped turn the tide in 
state politics against the dominant party. 

Such were the social, industrial and economic condi- 
tions of the state which were most prominent in the politics 
of the period. The diversity of interests led to a diversity 
of issues, and the rapid industrial development of this 
naturally rich frontier state brought into the foreground 
questions of internal improvement and railroad extension. 
The size of the state directly tended to foster sectionalism, 
and this was a potent factor in the personal politics of the 
period. The defeat of Jacob M. Howard for the Senator- 
ship, the succession of Thomas W. Ferry, and the policies 
of Austin Blair and William A. Howard are all evidences 
of the extent to which this factor influenced the politics 
of the time. 



CONCLUSION 

At the close of this study it may be remarked in sum- 
mary that the politics of the state were at first dominated 
by national issues, while the local interests which centered 
about the extension of railroads and the development of 
industry were decidedly of secondary importance. With 
the close of the war these state matters assumed greater 
importance, and repeated attempts were made to revise 
or amend the constitution with reference to railroad aid, in- 
ternal improvement and the increase of salaries. The negro 
suffrage issue, which was purely national at first, became a 
subject for state action in 1868, and in 1870 on the second 
trial the change was adopted by a vote which obviously 
crossed party lines. The development of railroads was at 
first a non-political matter which was but a part of the 
general tendency of the period. After the decision in the 
Salem case had popularized the conception of the nature of 
taxation, the parties took sides and the Republicans were 
reasonably considered the friends of railway aid. By 
1 87 1, however, the opposition was so strong that they were 
glad to abandon their extreme projects and progress with 
greater conservatism. 

The well-nigh unassailable position of the Republican 
party in Michigan rendered the Democracy virtually power- 
less save when a union could be effected with some dis- 
affected faction. The unusually violent and aggressive 
nature of the powerful leader, Zachariah Chandler, occa- 
sioned strong opposition which several times threatened 
to cause a schism in the party. The disaffected joined with 
251] 251 



252 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [252 

the Democracy in 1870, giving it one member in Congress. 
The rise of a combined opposition was interrupted by the 
catastrophe of 1872, but two years later resulted in a sur- 
prising defeat of the dominant party. This opposition re- 
ceded again in 1876 and 1878, then took on new vigor and 
reached its climax six years later in the election of the state 
ticket by the combined forces of the Democracy and Green- 
back party. The latter had not become directly influential 
until 1878. 

The currency issue more than any other endangered the 
unity of the two regular parties. At different times it came 
near to disrupting both parties, and out of political expe- 
diency both were forced into some inconsistencies. The 
Republicans suffered from serious disaffection in their 
ranks in 1874, but after their punishment at the polls, the 
factions again became entirely harmonious. It was the 
Democracy which in 1878 was seriously divided between 
suspension and resumption, and its willingness to combine 
with the National Greenback party four years later broke 
the continuous line of state Republican victories. Late in 
the seventies the new party threatened to disrupt both of 
the old organizations along the lines of soft money and 
suspension, but that danger was averted, with the result 
that alliance rather than disruption reversed the political 
status in Michigan. 

The Reform element within the state consisted not only 
of the powerless minority party but of disaffected factions 
within the leading party. This movement was temporarily 
successful within the state in 1870 and again four years 
later, but the personal politics centering about Austin Blair 
made the contest unusually bitter. It was an unfortunate 
instance of the powerful conservatives chastising a small 
group of reformers, the leader of whom had been a great 
factor in giving the party its high standard in the state. 



253] CONCLUSION 253 

The war-governorship of Austin Blair was, by its attend- 
ant circumstances, one of the most powerful forces which 
gave the Republicans their ultra-loyal appearance during 
the war and their strong position in succeeding years. The 
ex-governor is conceded to have been a man of far too 
great conscience and conviction to have made a successful 
political career for himself amid the conflicting ambitions 
of the entire group of leaders. Furthermore, it is not un- 
reasonable to suppose that his successive defeats for the 
much-desired senatorship made him extremely sensitive to 
the factious troubles within his party. Whatever may 
have been the dominant reason for these movements, his 
was certainly an unusual record. As an extreme anti- 
slavery Whig he joined the Free Soil party and later be- 
came one of the ultra-Radical leaders among the Repub- 
licans. In 1872 he was the foremost Michigan man in the 
Reform movement and the candidate for Governor of the 
combined opposition. He became so completely alienated 
from his former alliance that four years later he was named 
for Presidential elector by the Democracy of the state. It 
is not improbable that the sharp criticism he suffered at 
the hands of his former friends drove Austin Blair further 
than he would otherwise have gone. 

Prohibition was a persistent movement which encoun- 
tered a reaction in the form of the License party, and the 
temperance question was throughout a troublesome one for 
both parties. It was well understood that the large German 
vote would be at the opposite end of the balance and the 
two parties Vv'ere cautious about favor to the Prohibi- 
tionists. 

The Grangers in Michigan did not nominate a state 
ticket, but they exercised a potent influence over the Democ- 
racy in 1874, especially in its nominations. The subordi- 
nate organizations built upon the minor issues that ap- 



254 THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN [254 

peared locally and depended upon temporary conditions 
could not prevail to any considerable extent against the 
regular party formation. 

In the general view of the period of this study, the Re- 
publican party of Michigan appears virtually invulnerable. 
It had advantages historically, and the party organization 
was as nearly perfect as strong-minded and absolute leaders 
could make it with the aid of a most effectual assessment 
system. Thus Michigan was, at this period, what the 
foremost leader often called this state, the " Massachu- 
setts of the West ". 



BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 



I. WORKS OF GENERAL IMPORTANCE. 

Congressional Globe and Congressional Record; Johnson Papers, 
Library of Congress; Richardson, Messages and Papers of tlie Presi- 
dents, Washington, D. C, 1897; McPherson, History of the Rebellion, 
and Handbooks of Politics for the succeeding years; Annual Cyclo- 
pedia; Tribune and World Almanacs; Essays on the Civil War and 
Reconstruction, William A. Dunning, New York, 1904; History of the 
United States, 1850- 1877, James Ford Rhodes, New York, 1904; The 
Hayes-Tilden Disputed Election of 1876, Haworth, Cleveland, 1906; 
Recollections of War Times, A. G. Riddle, New York, 1895; Reminis- 
cences of Carl Schurz, New York, 1907 ; Townsend Library, Columbia 
University, for comment of New York papers during the period of 
this study. 

IL GENERAL WORKS IN MICHIGAN HISTORY. 

Michigan Red Book, Charles Lanman, Detroit, 1871 ; General His- 
tory of Michigan, Compiled by C. R. Tuttle, Detroit, 1874; Outlines 
of the Political History of Michigan, James V. Campbell, Detroit, 1876; 
History of Detroit and Michigan, 2 volumes, Silas Farmer, Detroit, 
1884; Michigan (American Commonwealth Series), Thomas M. Cooley, 
Boston, 1886; Vol. IV of Michigan as a Province, Territory and State, 
in 4 volumes, by Henry M. Utley, Byron M. Cutcheon, and C. M. 
Burton, Advisory editor. New York, 1906; History of Michigan, 
Lawton T. Hemans, Lansing, 1906; Histories of the various counties 
of Michigan, by local historians or compilers. 

The value of most of the general works lies in their suggestive 
nature and to a much greater degree in their biographical material. 
The last two state histories cited were most useful of all, but in 
these authorities are wanting and it is necessary to rely upon the im- 
partiality of the writers. The biographical notes are in most cases 
of exclusively local interest and are often in the nature of personal 
reminiscences. 

2SS] 255 



^56 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE [256 

III. BIOGRAPHY. 

The available biography exclusive of that contained in the general 
historical treatises is as follow^s : 

General. 
Representative Men of Michigan, by F. A. Barnard, Cincinnati, 
1878, a cumbersome volume which is comprehensive but unfortunately 
arranged by congressional district rather than by alphabet. Biogra- 
phical History of Eminent and Self-Made Men of Michigan, Detroit 
1878; History of Michigan, Silas Farmer, vol. ii, Detroit, 1886; Early 
History of Michigan and Michigan Biographies, including state officers, 
members of Congress, judges and legislatures, published in Lansing, 
1888, pursuant to Act 59, 1887. 

Individual. 

Life of Zachariah Chandler by the Post and Tribune staff, Detroit, 
1880; The Doric Pillar of Michigan, a memorial sermon by A. T. 
Pierson, 1879, and the Memorial Addresses pronounced in the Forty- 
sixth Congress, February, 1880, were eulogistic and practically with- 
out value; Jacob M. Howard, a Memorial Address, by Justice James 
V. Campbell ; Isaac P. Christiancy, a Memorial by Justice Graves ; 
James Frederick Joy, by Alfred Russell; Life of Peter White, Ralph 
D. Williams, Cleveland, 1905. 

IV. MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS. 

The Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collection contains consider- 
able material of an economic and political nature. The following 
volumes contain the most important contributions : vol. vii, History of 
Land Grants for Education in Michigan, pp. 17-35, George W. Knight; 
Federal Land Grants for Internal Improvements in the State of 
Michigan, pp. 52-68, A. N. Bliss, A. M. ; Vol. xxx, A Sketcli of the 
Life of Sullivan M. Cutcheon zvith particular reference to Michigan 
political history during the zvar of the Rebellion, pp. 99-108, by Charles 
Moore; Reminiscences of Michigan Journalism, pp. 507-517, by Hon. 
William E. Quinby of the Detroit Free Press; Vol. xxxv, Michigan 
Men in Congress," pp. 506-517, by Edward W. Barber. 

The " Jenison Collection " in the Michigan State Library at Lansing 
contains volumes of political pamphlets with speeches in Congress and 
campaign addresses delivered throughout the state. 

The Howard Manuscripts, Volumes 89 to 95, in the library of Mr. 
C. M. Burton, Detroit, contain many valuable personal communica- 
tions of Jacob M. Howard relative to the politics of the time. Though 
by far the greatest part of his correspondence relates to his legal 
practice and is bound with the Joy and Emmons papers, the several 



257] BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 257 

volumes above cited contain many letters of very deep interest. They 
are the only accessible manuscript source of any importance for this 
study. 

V. OFFICIAL STATE PUBLICATIONS. 

Acts of the Legislature, passed in the Biennial Sessions meeting 
the odd years, and the Extra Sessions; Senate and House Journals; 
Senate, House and Joint Documents; Journal of the Constitutional 
Convention of 1867, and Debates of the Convention, 2 volumes ; Annual 
Report of the Auditor General ; State Census Reports for 1864 and the 
decennial years following; Compilation of Michigan Statistics, 1876, 
compiled under authority of the Governor in the interest of Emi- 
gration, S. B. McCracken ; Michigan Manual, a convenient compilation 
of extensive data for the use of members of the legislature. It is 
published every odd year and contains various election statistics 
with valuable comparative tables. 

VI. NEWSPAPER COMPILATIONS. 

The Michigan Almanac, published by the Detroit Tribune, is the 
best source for a study of the political statistics of Michigan ; The 
Legislative Souvenir and Political History of Michigan, 1897, pub- 
lished by the Lansing State Republican, contains useful material re- 
lating to the period in question. 

VII. NEWSPAPERS. 

By far the most important sources for the political history of this 
period are the journals of the state. The number of newspapers 
available has unfortunately been limited by a frequent neglect on the 
part of offices and libraries to preserve contemporary files. In many 
of the offices throughout the state, however, are found files of papers 
now continued or absorbed, but the larger libraries are, of course, the 
most valuable repositories of old numbers. The most important of 
these are the State Library at Lansing, the Detroit, Battle Creek, 
Bay City, Grand Rapids, Hillsdale, Jackson, Kalamazoo and Niles Pub- 
lic Libraries, and the Libraries of the State University at Ann Arbor 
and the College of -Mines at Houghton. The Library of Congress, 
Washington, D. C, has a very good collection of files of the leading 
party organs of Michigan during this period. They include the 
Detroit Post, Advertiser and Tribune, Free Press, Evening News, 
Lansing State Republican, Grand Rapids Daily Eagle, Jackson Daily 
Citizen, Benton Harbor Palladium. 

The Republican journals which have been available for this period, 
1864- 1878, either entire or in part are as follows, in the order of relative 
importance: Detroit Post; Detroit Advertiser and Tribune; Lansing 



258 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE [258 

State Republican; Grand Rapids Daily Eagle; Jackson Citizen; Kala- 
masoo Telegraph; Niles Republican, Hillsdale Daily Standard; Benton 
Harbor Palladium; Grand Traverse Herald; Pontiac Gazette; Saginaw 
Valley News; Bay City Daily Tribune; Coldivater Republican; Wol- 
verine Citizen, Flint; Mason Neivs; St. Clair Republican; Ypsilanti 
Commercial; Allegan Journal; Aarian Times; Charlotte Republican. 

The journals which were considered "independent" are as follows: 
Detroit Evening News, Marshall Statesman, Portage Lake Mining 
Gazette; Grand Rapids Times; Benton Harbor Times; Saginaw 
Courier; Michigan Tribune, Battle Creek. With the exception of the 
tirst two papers, there are very few numbers of these independent 
journals accessible. 

Those which supported the Greenback movement are: Adrian Press; 
Allegan Democrat; Battle Creek Journal; Grand Rapids Democrat; 
N^iles Weekly Mirror. 

The Democratic organs which were consulted are as follows : Detroit 
Free Press; Michigan Argus, Ann Arbor; Jackson Patriot; Kala- 
mazoo Gazette; Niles Democrat ; Lansing Journal; Marshall Expounder; 
Muskegon News; National Democrat, Cassopolis; Bay City Observer; 
Monroe Monitor; Traverse Bay Eagle; and the unreconciled copper- 
head sheet, ypsilanti Sentinel. 

This list of consulted journals includes all that are available, so 
far as exhaustive and insistent correspondence was able to prove, and 
of the papers cited last in each list there were discovered in some 
cases only a few numbers unbound and unarranged, in offices, court 
house collections and public and private libraries. 

It will be observed that almost none of the newspapers mentioned 
were from the northern part of the state. There were, of course, re- 
latively fewer published in that portion, and less fortunate facilities 
existed for their preservation.. In the state as a whole, there are over 
one hundred newspapers unavailable for this period, as there were 
163 political organs in 1870 and only 49 can be accounted for, in- 
cluding many with only a few scattered numbers. 

The Republican Party is most completely represented in the jour- 
nals still remaining, for the obvious reason that it naturally supported 
the greatest number of publications in Michigan. 

For election returns, most if not all of the above-named organs 
have been cited, as it was thought they indicated local sentiment and 
political preferences. For really valuable editorial comment, however, 
the four large Detroit journals, the Lansing State Republican, Grand 
Rapids Daily Eagle, and the Ann Arbor Argus are by far the most 
reliable. 



VITA 

Harriette May Dilla was born in Jackson, Michigan, 
June 12, 1886. She attended school in Waterloo, Indiana, 
and graduated from the Ann Arbor, Michigan, high school 
in 1904. She then entered the University of Michigan, 
from which she received the degree of Bachelor of Arts 
in 1908, and Master of Arts the succeeding year. The sub- 
jects in which graduate work was done were History, Eco- 
nomics, Politics and International Law. The following two 
years, 1 909-191 1, were spent at Columbia University, 
where she studied under Professors Dunning, Osgood, 
Shepherd, Robinson, Seligman, Clark and Seager, and at- 
tended the seminar of Professor Dunning. 

259 



THE POLITICS OF MICHIGAN 



1865-1878 



HARRIETTE M. DILLA, A. M. 

Instructor in History 
Wheaton Seminary, Norton, Mass. 



SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS 

FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 

IN THE 

Faculty of Political Science 
Columbia University 



NEW YORK 
I912 



H 1 



LEFe 13 




p'" X'..,,.-^,- ,\*'^-"/' "v-^-?-*'/ 







% -y^S J^X '-^ysfj^ 






•v^ 






^ 



C O " • ♦ <^ ^ ' • ^ ^O A*^" 6 ° " • * <^ ( 



4O 



4 O^ 



0' 



•4 o 









^ " ' PRESERVATION TECHNOLOGIES. L.H. 

' ^ * * , "> 1 1 1 Thomson Park Drive 

*^<W V\ / Cranberry Township. PA 16066 



!31'vil^llli!l;iiiliiii 




